The final issue of Comparative Politics Russia 2023 is predominantly devoted to a discussion of European politics. There is no need to emphasize the relevance of this subject. Historically, Europe has been a significant Other for the intellectual community of Russia, which, following the trends of European culture, oscillated between "Hegelists" and "nihilists," to quote Turgenev's hero.

The study is devoted to a retrospective analysis of separatism in Belgium and its development given the existing ethnic conflict between Flemish and Walloons. The research depicts the historical and contemporary dynamics of the problem. The aim of the study is to identify major factors that contributed to aggravation of the ethnic conflict and institutionalization of separatism, as well as influenced the further transformation of the separatist discourse in the country. To achieve this goal, the author uses an interdisciplinary approach with the use of historic, political science and economic categories and methods. The methodological basis of the work is formed by modern theoretical views on the types and causes of separatist sentiments, as well as options and strategies for dealing with the problem. The study relies on qualitative historical methods, it also uses statistical analysis, data from sociological surveys, and analyzes a wide range of documents, including the programs of political parties. One might argue that the evolution of ethnic separatism in Belgium was influenced by the following factors: linguistic division (as a fundamental precondition of the conflict), the factor of elites (which determined the main vector of the separatist discourse), the external factor (which contributed to the formation of Flemish separatism), the economic factor (which gave an impetus to the institutionalization of the country's division) and the ‘institutional’ factor itself. The latter is understood as the formation of ethnic groups in the country that are actually isolated from one another at the expense of the development of a full-fledged 

system of regional and community institutions. This factor seems to be extremely important, as it contributed to the ‘freezing’ of the ethnic conflict and at the same time incorporated a large number of imbalances associated with ethnic division into the system of consociational democracy. As a result, the stabilization of the conflict was achieved at the expense of destabilizing the central government in the country. In the modern political system of Belgium, the separatist discourse is widely instrumentalized. The ideas of dividing the country and reforming the state structure are gradually losing their impetus due to the emergence of new problems (migration, economic crisis, anti-establishment sentiments) and changing priorities of the right- wing political forces.

The Visegrad Group (V4) that unites four post-socialist states (Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Czechia) is currently the most recognizable, influential and long-lived regional entity in Central Europe. Nevertheless, in recent years, against the background of special domestic political development and external shocks, the “four” has entered upon a path of permanent crisis that has manifested itself in fading of many traditional formats of cooperation. In this regard, the purpose of this article is to analyze the fundamental reasons for the transformation that has begun, to indicate the profundity of possible alterations and to outline the prospect of subsequent Central European interaction. It is noted that since the group formation in 1991 its actions have been unstable: periods of stagnation followed periods of tempestuous activity. The alternation of phases depended on many factors: the political preferences of politicians; the emergence of the agenda that unites the interests of all four states; favorable external conditions and etc. It is concluded that the V4 managed to “stay afloat” for more than 30 years as well due to organizational amorphousness of the group, the participation in its work of many political actors that sometimes had opposing views and obtaining of the certain added value from cooperation by member states. Besides, the “four” benefitted from the image acquired over the years of its work, even from a negative one. However, as shown in the article, by the time the special military operation in Ukraine began in February 2022, a wide range of contradictions had been accumulated within the group that openly made itself felt by reducing traditional cooperation formats, reconfiguring intra-group interaction models and beginning discussions about the forthcoming transformation of the group. The study raises the question of the “Visegrad crisis” as a window of opportunities, on the one hand, for individual Central European states (Poland and Czechia) declaring political ambitious amid the global reconstruction, on the other hand, for other regional associations (the Three Seas Initiative and the Bucharest Nine). It is predicted that the political alterations occurred at the end of 2023 in some V4 member states won’t lead to alterations in the indicated trends in the Visegrad group development. Its participants will aspire for reduction of the group activity to cross-border cooperation and civil societies interaction.

The purpose of the article is to characterize the political platform of the Istrian Democratic Assembly (IDS), Croatia, as a political power advocating for the idea of regional autonomy for the Istrian peninsula. Based on the analysis of an extensive database of empirical materials, this article explores the main points of the political ideology of IDS, the nature of its relations with the political center of Croatia, as well as its international cooperation with European organizations and neighboring states. The comprehensive study of this political party and its history between 1991 and 2022 provides a detailed insight into the so-called Istrian regional movement. It is less evident when comparing to similar movements in Southern or Western Europe but still distinct due to its development within both the ethnopolitical context of the Balkan peninsula and the European regionalist movements. Thus the detailed study of this issue gives a detailed picture of internal political trends of the Balkans and the countries in the periphery of the European Union.

The studies on the reintegration of territories are becoming more relevant due to the changing geopolitical agenda and the tasks facing Russia. The article overviews works by Russian and foreign authors, dedicated to integration and reintegration. They are divided into two groups, varying on the level of analysis, systemic and individual. The overview lays a basis for a two-level model to study reintegration in the three spheres that are economic, political and social and cultural. Using the model, the article analyzes two cases in contemporary history, namely the reintegration of East Germany into the FRG and that of Hong Kong into the PRC. Comparing them, the study found some differences which prove the importance of opting for the strategy in all spheres of social system. In addition, the article assumes that at least one catalyzing element is needed to urge reintegration. In both cases it was economics that gave impetus to reintegration, while culture produced consolidation. The study provides conclusions considering the prospects of further reintegration studies.

The article examines the foundational principles of the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party, focusing on its authoritarian-populist stance, ideological roots, and policy objectives. It delves into the repercussions of PiS's anti-democratic measures, particularly in the arear of the Constitutional Court, human rights, and protection of human rights, and control over media outlets and news agencies. These actions have led to visible and anticipated outcomes, sparking widespread criticism both domestically, from Polish opposition groups and activists, and internationally, from foreign politicians and organizations. The article aims to provide a thorough description and examination of the ongoing political dynamics within the country, specifically the authoritarian trends stemming from PiS's nationalist-imbued populism being elevated to the status of the state's governing ideology. The study segments the political landscape into three distinct categories: the underlying factors driving PiS's authoritarian trajectory rooted in its overarching authoritarian-populist worldview, the attitudes, imperatives, and strategies shaping PiS's policy responses and problem-solving approaches, and the political shifts observed as a consequence of these dynamics.

With the growing number of civil conflicts there is an increase in the practice of armed intervention by third parties, which pursue the goals of protecting and promoting their national interests. The expanding practice of armed intervention and its significance for the contemporary international system has attracted considerable research interest. The emphasis in the empirical literature on interventions is often placed on the causes of armed intervention or its impact on the duration of conflict. This focus on these variables is understandable, as it allows us, on the one hand, to deepen our understanding of the reasons for states' use of force and, on the other hand, provides an opportunity to examine the influence of external factors on conflict dynamics. At the same time, the continued presence of the interventionist forces after the official end of the conflict remains outside the focus of most researchers. Civil conflicts tend to reignite and may carry latent threats even after the official end of the conflict, ending in negotiations or complete victory for one of the parties. Third states intervening are mindful of the potential risks, leading to persistent intervention after the end of the conflict.

The advances in artificial intelligence (AI) technologies, especially “large” language models, have raised many expectations, both positive and alarmist. This phenomenon can be compared to atomic energy: at one point in time, it created many new opportunities, but also generated new, previously unprecedented threats. Similarly, AI can enhance scientific, technological and economic development, but also increase inter-state inequalities, as nuclear weapons did decades ago. The emergence of large language models is perhaps the first time in history when information technology has so boldly stepped into an area that humanitarians have come to regard as belonging only to human consciousness, namely the creation of new texts. One cannot help but notice that humanitarians panic to some extent and seek their own explanations for what is happening. In order to make sure that these explanations do not ignore a solid technological basis and do not go into philosophical debates, Comparative Politics Russia spoke to a specialist from the front line of AI technology development in Russia. The guest of today's interview is Dr. Arutyun I. Avetisyan, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Director of V.P. Ivannikov Institute of System Programming of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

Book review: Brands H. (ed.) (2023) The New Makers of Modern Strategy: From the Ancient World to the Digital Age. Princeton University Press, 1200 p.

The article reviews the main theses of the book edited by H. Brands "The New Makers of Modern Strategy: From the Ancient World to the Digital Age" (Brands H. (ed.) (2023) The New Makers of Modern Strategy: From the Ancient World to the Digital Age. Princeton University Press, 1200 p.) devoted to the study of the evolution of strategic thought. The volume raises a number of significant theoretical and practical issues related to foreign policy decision-making and the process of shaping of the foreign and defense strategy of different states. The main objective of this work is to update the theoretical foundation of strategic research based on the changing information and technological landscape.