Legal regulation of exploration and exploitation of oil and gas resources in marine areas, which are subject to the sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction of the Russian Federation, is of great practical importance for our country, Russian legal entities and individuals. This is confirmed by the Strategy for the Development of Maritime Activities in the Russian Federation until 2030, the Energy Strategy of the Russian Federation for the period until 2035 and the Maritime Doctrine of the Russian Federation, which were adopted in 2019 - 2022. These issues are no less important for foreign entities in connection with their participation in oil and gas marine projects in these territories.

The scientific significance of the study is related to the development of International Energy Law, a significant amount of the rules of which are applicable to oil and gas activities in marine areas. The purpose of the study is to comprehensively analyze the development of legal norms of the Russian Federation governing the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas resources in marine areas, which are subject to the sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction of the Russian Federation, in the period 2014 - 2023, as well as identifying trends in their development in connection with measures taken by unfriendly states against Russia, Russian legal entities and individuals. The objectives of the study include identifying and analyzing trends in the development of legislation of the Russian Federation governing the exploration, exploitation and transportation of oil and gas resources in the specified marine areas, the interconnection of legislative innovations with changes in world politics and international legal problems that arose during this period.

The methodological basis of the study is comparative legal and formal legal. The article identifies and analyzes certain trends in the development of legislation of the Russian Federation related to the restriction of the rights of foreign entities in the implementation of subsoil use in offshore subsoil areas of federal significance, the regulation of artificial islands, installations and structures, as well as support for the Russian flag and the domestic manufacturer of sea vessels within the framework of oil and gas activities in the specified marine areas. The author concludes that it is necessary to take timely legislative measures and an integrated approach to the legislative regulation of the issues under consideration.

The second part of the article addresses the specific issues of the PJSC PIK’s lobbying activity and behavior in the context of the sectoral political and administrative dynamics in the megapolis of Moscow. This lobbying activity manifests itself in the transformational process of ‘conversion’ in which stakeholders harmonize an integral and complex ‘interest formula’ define public problems and formulate public agenda through the representation and promotion of particular interests, political influence of business organizations on the Moscow authorities in the field of construction policy. The study highlights five main phases of how private interests are converted and incorporated in the public agenda. The study utilizes case study as well as document analysis, non-participant observation and expert interview to analyze the dynamics and logic of PIK’s proactive participation in the lobbying promotion of the world’s largest housing redevelopment program.

This article endeavors to construct a composite indicator designed to facilitate the comparative assessment of institutional capacities across diverse political systems. The focal point of analysis resides within the domain of state capacity, a pivotal determinant for a myriad of inquiries that seek to evaluate the efficacy of public policy implementation across varying spheres. The attainment of the research objective materialized through the adoption of Bayesian methodologies tailored for the scrutiny of latent variables, a prevalent recourse within contemporary social sciences to address analogous empirical puzzles. Drawing upon antecedent advancements collaboratively undertaken with co-authors and a minimal selection of variables, ranging from the comprehensive gauge of control over violence to formal economic activity (reciprocally aligned with the gauge of informal economy), two distinct models were subjected to empirical examination: namely, the linear and hierarchical ones. The ensuing analysis of 150 countries across three temporal junctures (1996, 2005, and 2015) distinctly advocates for the adoption of the latter model after accommodating convergence testing. The hierarchical model, oriented towards encapsulating the tripartite dimensions of state capacity, namely administrative, coercive, and extractive facets, gains preference. This predilection aligns with the contribution of J. Hanson and R. Sigman, whose conceptual underpinnings are frequently espoused by scholars when delineating the contours of the observed construct. The hierarchical model affirms the efficacy and discriminatory acumen of the proposed approach in engendering pertinent state rankings. These empirical revelations, in turn, constitute an indispensable stride towards interrogating assorted hypotheses concerning trajectories of institutional development and the construction of classificatory frameworks delimiting state capacity. Moreover, they extend utility in the realm of comparative studies by furnishing an aggregated indicator conducive to cross-national analysis. 

Kiswahili is an East African Bantu language with around 150 million speakers, including those for whom it is a mother tongue or a language of confident proficiency. Its historical geographic domain spans Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda. All three were part of British East Africa from the early 1920s up until decolonization. At present, their shared history, culture, geographical proximity and integration aspirations make them the core countries in the region. It would be logical therefore to assume that the position of Kiswahili should be growing stronger, yet in reality its status, functions and spread differ across all the three countries. This article seeks to identify the reasons for this phenomenon and analyze whether Kiswahili has the right potential to become a tool for regional political communication and integration.

The article examines the reconciliation mechanism of protectionist and liberalization components in the economic policy of the United States and China. Under tightening economic competition, the U.S. and China are implementing a set of measures to support national economies, aimed both at protecting the industries which are crucial for the development of the states, and at ensuring markets for the goods produced in the country. These observations have led to the hypothesis that the set of protectionist and liberalization tools in the economic policy of countries is combined and varied to ensure economic security and international competitiveness of national economies. Based on the analysis of indicators measuring the openness of the US and PRC economies as well as a number of examples of government intervention in the economy, the authors detect the trend towards the strengthening of protectionism in the economic policy of the states since 2008. Taking into consideration the research on the participation of both countries in globalization and integration projects, the authors determine the protectionist instruments implemented by China and the USA to improve the economic growth and competitive advantage of their economies. In particular, government subsidies, fiscal tools, administrative barriers, as well as tariff measures affecting the foreign trade of the countries under study have been identified. On the basis of the comparative analysis of certain indicators measuring the manifestation of protectionist and liberalization components in the economic policy of the United States and China, the authors highlight common and different trends in combining protectionism and free trade. The synthesis of findings has led to the conclusion about the complementarity and interdependence of the tools used in the economic policy of the states aimed at increasing the competitive advantages of national economies.

Comparative politics has debated the effectiveness of the two basic models of conflict management, namely consociational and integrative. According to a widespread opinion, consociational mechanisms preserve inter-ethnic tensions and hinder the building of a state identity based on citizenship. The article focuses on North Macedonia, where consociational mechanisms have been applied since the 2001 armed clashes to mitigate the deep contradictions between the Macedonian majority and the Albanian minority. Applying comparative analysis and geographical method, the study attempts to answer the question of where the consociational polity under study is evolving and whether it is possible to build a state identity based on citizenship rather than ethnicity. The analysis of parliamentary elections in North Macedonia in 2002-2020 shows that until 2016 the popularity of radical Albanian parties declined, though then dramatically increased, and up to the present two centripetal tendencies can be seen, which are an increase in ethnic minority support for national parties and more active cooperation between large and small parties before the elections.