The article analyses the preparation and results of the parliamentary elections held in South Africa on May 29, 2024. The ruling party, namely the African National Congress, failed to win the majority of votes, for the first time in 30 years that democratic South Africa exists. This outcome marks a significant turning point in the country's political landscape, indicating that the ANC's leadership may be facing challenges in the future. However, the study shows that the change in the number of supporters is a problem not only for the ANC, but also for other political players in the country. The paper aims to identify the reasons why the ANC lost the support of voters. The author carefully examines the main stages of the vote preparation. She analyses the election campaigns of various parties, including the ANC and opposition party like the Democratic Alliance, as well as new political movements that took part in the elections for the first time. Special attention is given to party financing, organizing political events, and strategies for voter mobilization. Other factors that may have influenced the voting outcome are taken into account, including the sudden emergence of the party led by former South African president (2009–2018) Jacob Zuma. As a result, the article identifies several factors that contributed to the voting outcome, that are economic challenges, including high unemployment rate among young people, corruption and ineffective local government, the changing demographics, including the growing number of young people unrelated to the apartheid era. The paper speculates how this new political landscape may shape the country's domestic and foreign policies. Additionally, the article explores the initial actions taken by the newly formed government, namely the "Government of National Unity." One of the primary concerns raised in the paper is how changes in domestic policies will impact South Africa's foreign policy as a member of BRICS and one of the leading countries of the Global South after the appointment of the new government and the new Minister of International Relations and Cooperation. In conclusion, the 2024 elections have become an important event in the political life of South Africa. They showed that the country is going through significant changes that can greatly affect its domestic and foreign policy.

The struggle against Russia unleashed by the West is becoming more widespread. Attempts are also being made to annihilate the co-operative relations that Russia has with the countries of the Eurasian region. In this connection, the study of ideological attitudes and mindsets in the countries of Central Asia, in particular Tajikistan, which has especially close ties with Moscow, is relevant. At the same time, Tajikistan is highly vulnerable to external influence. A particular danger for the republic is posed by the structures of ISIS*, which are actually waging an ideological and psychological war against this secular state. Of all the Central Asian states, Tajikistan has the highest percentage of young people, and it is young people who are most susceptible to radical ideas. The heterogeneity of citizens' mindsets is the focus of the article, and four types of attitudes are identified. The ongoing and relentless struggle for the minds of the citizens of this republic is analysed. Understanding the specificity of the moods of the population of Tajikistan is not only a scientific but also a political imperative. This is due to the fact that the stability and prosperity of this Central Asian country is in Russia's national interests.

This article explores the integration of new African BRICS members into the scientific and educational cooperation within BRICS. Despite significant criticism regarding the still limited scope of scientific collaborations between BRICS countries, there is a steadily growing number of interaction formats in the fields of science, technology, and education. To provide an accurate assessment, the study analyzes and systematizes existing BRICS cooperation formats, including infrastructure to share research results, scientific conferences, regular ministerial meetings, international laboratories and other cooperative mechanisms. Developing cooperation meets the BRICS goals, as the emergence of these formats was outlined in the 2015 Memorandum on Cooperation in Science, Technology, and Innovation. The question of how new BRICS members are integrated into these existing mechanisms is raised. To address the question, the study analyzes the science and education interaction within BRICS, as well as the national strategic documents in these fields of two new members: Egypt and Ethiopia. There is a significant gap between these countries in terms of economic development, scientific and technological progress, and basic literacy rates. This disparity creates diverging challenges and opportunities for Egypt and Ethiopia. Such imbalances pose risks to intensifying cooperation within BRICS, particularly because of limited economic capabilities of these states to cooperate in scientific and educational fields. For instance, Egypt joined the 2015 Memorandum of Understanding on the establishment of the BRICS Network University, participated in the meeting of education ministers, and has engaged in the BRICS Working Group meeting on research infrastructure and MegaScience projects. In contrast, Ethiopia has not participated in these events, hence the risks of deepening inequality within BRICS. The challenge is recognized by member states. In 2025, many poor and small countries aspiring to participate in BRICS activities were granted partner country status instead of full membership. Despite the broad range of cooperation formats and their ongoing expansion, disparities in the economic and scientific-technological development levels of new African members pose challenges to their full integration. This gap requires that BRICS adjust its mechanisms to ensure inclusive and sustainable scientific partnerships.

The article provides a detailed analysis of Chile’s party system, which, at its current stage of political development, has fostered the emergence of two broad party coalitions. These coalitions, the left-oriented Apruebo Dignidad and the center-right Chile Vamos, serve as a stable foundation for maintaining democratic institutions and reproducing the country’s top political elite. The article highlights key institutional, historical, and cultural factors that have shaped the modern political design of the Chilean Republic in its post-authoritarian period, ensuring the traditionally established viability of political parties. The study examines the formal-legal characteristics of Chile’s presidential system and electoral process. Within the political power structure, the president plays a central role, possessing broad authority in making key decisions. However, constitutional constraints require the head of the executive branch to engage with parliamentary coalitions to overcome the “double minority” problem, where the president lacks majority support in the National Congress. Party coalition-building is also influenced by the electoral system, under which, even after the 2015 reform, smaller parties continue to face difficulties in independently securing parliamentary seats and are forced to collaborate with larger coalitions. This dynamic is also reflected in presidential elections. A case in point is the victory of Gabriel Boric in 2021: despite his progressive image, he relied on the support of various leftist and center-left forces. The longterm stability of Chile’s party system can be attributed, among other factors, to deeply ingrained traditions of political participation and democratic institutions, which enable the integration of public demands into the political process. However, declining public support for parties and growing protest activity indicate existing challenges. The article concludes that despite the crisis of trust in party structures, the coalition system continues to ensure political stability. To strengthen it, parties must focus on addressing current socio-economic issues, which will be a key factor in restoring public trust and reinforcing Chile’s democratic institutions.

As nuclear proliferation risks grow, researchers are focusing on countries that were hardly associated with the problem earlier. Geopolitical developments and change in transatlantic relations are forcing European countries to overhaul their military policies. The current agenda includes possible development of a nuclear deterrent capability, autonomous from the United States. Since 2022 the most drastic changes have been taking place in Germany which declared the Zeitenwende (times-turn) in its defence posture. Recently, German politicians and experts have increasingly supported the idea of gaining access to nuclear weapons. During the Cold war, the nuclear factor played a major role in the politics of the FRG, despite its non-nuclear status as West Germany hosted one of the biggest American nuclear arsenals, its territory being considered the main theater of nuclear war. Influential politicians in Bonn believed that the FRG should develop its own nuclear program. The end of the bipolar confrontation made nuclear factor obsolete. Addressing nuclear weapons as a hypothetical means of deterrence anew makes it necessary to examine the substance and practical implications of this topic. The article examines the role and dynamics of the nuclear factor in the foreign policy of the FRG. It has analyzed the current discussion and identified the main problems and contradictions of the proposed nuclear options. The case for nuclear weapons, as it was during the Cold war, is supported by an artificially constructed “Russian threat”, and as such arises from the concerns about American security guarantees in case of a full-scale conflict. Today the prospects for Germany to acquire nuclear weapons, independently or through its European allies, are lacking substance. Still, the author believes that the relative discussions should not be underestimated. Making nuclear issues a “new normal” is a part of Germany’s general policies to build up its military capabilities, including development and deployment of conventional weapons that represent a considerable alternative to nuclear weapons.

The article analyses the image of Russia after the collapse of the USSR in the public speeches by François Mitterrand, President of the French Republic. Mitterrand’s presidency coincided with the end of the Cold War, when a new political system had just emerged in Russia. France was struggling for a new place in the post-bipolar world order and reshaping relations with a reformed Russia, cooperation with the reformed Russian state. The authors present existing definitions of the state image and analyze its components. The image of Russia in Mitterrand’s public speeches is studied with post-structural discourse analysis method. The authors identified key categories shaping Russia’s image in Mitterrand’s discourse: history, democratization, military and economic interactions, and geopolitics. France’s historical engagement with the USSR influenced the French president’s perception of a reformed Russian state. Russia’s democratization emerged as the primary factor fostering closer ties. As a result of the study, the authors present a generalized image of Russia in Mitterrand’s discourse: the perception of Russia as a state that lost its former power and needed guidance in democratic development. According to the typology of international images developed by R. Herrmann and M. Fischerkeller, the authors classify Russia’s image in François Mitterrand’s perception during the analyzed period as an “ally”. In other words, the authors conclude with the perception of a generalized image of Russia in Mitterrand's discourse: unless Russia resurrected its “imperial” ambitions (which Mitterrand believed to be a potential threat to Europe and thus feared them), France could accept the state as an ally.

Significant shifts in almost all aspects of Chinese life have taken place in the last decade. Ranging from the domestic politics and the relationship between the government and private businesses to architectural styles and urban planning, not all of these changes can be attributed to China's rapid growth in previous years. Behind the seemingly unchanging façade of the communist ideology, Xi Jinping continues to search for a suitable model of development for China. Sino-American relations and the situation surrounding Taiwan are also crucial issues, particularly in the context of international relations. A popular scientific publication by Dr. I.Yu. Zuenko, researcher at the MGIMO Institute for International Studies, explores the personality of China's leader and analyzes the development trends of Russia’s largest neighbor.