The article analyzes the formation and development of the legal foundations of the UK sanctions policy. Based on the principles of Realpolitik, the concept of “Sanctions Policy” is studied not as an academic construction but as a real political and legal tool for the implementation of the external functions of the English state. The article proposes a brief historical and legal review of the sanctions legislation evolution, starting with the Royal Decree of 1621, the Navigation Act (1651), the Stamp Act (1765), the Townshend Acts (1767) and ending with the sanctions legislation of the EU, where the UK was a member before Brexit. The focus is on a detailed analysis of the Law on Sanctions and Combating Money Laundering of 2018, as well as statutory instruments, including the Regulations on Sanctions for Chemical Weapons (2019) and the Regulations on Sanctions for Violations of Human Rights (2020).
Since the UK legal system belongs to the system of case law, the authors attempted to analyze the most important court decisions in this area, including: the case of HM Treasury v. Ahmed (2010) and Vekselberg, better known as Lamesa Investments Limited v. Cynergy Bank Limited (2019).
It is concluded that the UK’s sanctions policy is primarily aimed at the achievement of its geopolitical objectives. 

The article discusses the approaches and methods of territorial ethnic autonomies comparative research that are part of both federal and unitary states. The statement on the dual role that these autonomies play is substantiated. The analysis of autonomous communities to assess positive and negative practices is possible only on the basis of comparison. The general features of autonomies are shown depending on the form of government. The influence of the ethnic factor on the autonomy and state institutions is revealed. The research focused on comparative analysis of ethnic autonomies, including the definition of the main comparison options for studying the distribution of power between the autonomy and the state, the selection of indicators that reveal them. The article reveals the possibilities of processing the obtained data for each group of indicators using quantitative and qualitative research methods.

The article addresses the micro-processes of the PJSC PIK’s lobbying activity in the context of the political and managerial dynamics in the global (world) city of Moscow. The study introduces and substantiates the concept of “spatial conversion” as a cyclical process of considering and incorporating individual and group interests of individual top managers and business organizations as political stakeholders in the framework of their activities for the generation of political rent and maximizing economic profit. The first part of the paper analyzes the impact of the international context, its conditions and factors on the implementation of construction policy and lobbying of large developers. The article distinguishes between the terms ‘‘lobbying’’ as a micro-political activity carried out by non-government stakeholders and ‘‘lobbyism’’ as a system of functional interest representation in a specific area.

Features of the legal regime of subsoil use, oil and gas activities in the Caspian Sea are due to the special international legal status of the Caspian Sea. The Russian Federation is faced with strategic tasks for the development of energy resources on the Russian section of the Caspian seabed, the development of maritime transport and research fleet, the modernization and construction of seaports and terminals in the Caspian. They are defined in the Energy Strategy of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2035, the Strategy for the development of maritime activities in the Russian Federation until 2030, the Strategy for the development of Russian seaports in the Caspian basin, rail and road approaches to them in the period up to 2030. The fulfillment of these tasks largely depends on the effectiveness of Russian legislation in this area. The development of Russian legislation governing the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas resources in the Russian section of the Caspian seabed is directly related to the trends in the development of international legal regulation of the status of the Caspian Sea and cooperation of the Caspian states in this area. After the ratification of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea of 2018 by Russia, the Government of the Russian Federation took global steps to implement norms reflecting the special status of the Caspian Sea, sovereignty and sovereign rights of Russia in certain areas of the Caspian Sea, in Russian legislation.

The purpose of the study is to analyze the legal norms governing the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea. The objectives of the study include identifying and comparing development trends of branch international legal norms and norms of Russian legislation, generalizing theoretical and practical problems of legal regulation.

The research methodology is based on the following theoretical methods of cognition: analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, analogy, as well as special methods of cognition of legal phenomena and processes: comparative legal and formal legal.

The article compares the provisions of bilateral and multilateral international treaties of the Russian Federation, which are applicable to the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea, discloses their mechanisms and significance, and identifies differences in their provisions. In addition, the authors identified differences in the trends in the development of Russian legislation regulating oil and gas activities on the Russian section of the Caspian seabed before and after Russia’s ratification of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea of 2018, analyzed the latest legislative initiatives in this area, and also identified a number of problems of this process.

The article examines the reconciliation mechanism of protectionist and liberalization components in the economic policy of the United States and China. Under tightening economic competition, the U.S. and China are implementing a set of measures to support national economies, aimed both at protecting the industries which are crucial for the development of the states, and at ensuring markets for the goods produced in the country. These observations have led to the hypothesis that the set of protectionist and liberalization tools in the economic policy of countries is combined and varied to ensure economic security and international competitiveness of national economies. Based on the analysis of indicators measuring the openness of the US and PRC economies as well as a number of examples of government intervention in the economy, the authors detect the trend towards the strengthening of protectionism in the economic policy of the states since 2008. Taking into consideration the research on the participation of both countries in globalization and integration projects, the authors determine the protectionist instruments implemented by China and the USA to improve the economic growth and competitive advantage of their economies. In particular, government subsidies, fiscal tools, administrative barriers, as well as tariff measures affecting the foreign trade of the countries under study have been identified. On the basis of the comparative analysis of certain indicators measuring the manifestation of protectionist and liberalization components in the economic policy of the United States and China, the authors highlight common and different trends in combining protectionism and free trade. The synthesis of findings has led to the conclusion about the complementarity and interdependence of the tools used in the economic policy of the states aimed at increasing the competitive advantages of national economies.

The China-US trade war, which was the result of differences in the production structure of the two countries, systemic contradictions in foreign economic policy principles and the struggle for global leadership, has a significant impact on global trade flows and market conditions. The article aims to identify the key beneficiaries of the trade war, to assess the situation in individual industry markets, as well as global legal effects, which remain out of academic discourse. US pharmaceutical companies and manufacturers of electronic integrated circuits, diodes, transistors, semiconductors and other high-tech components are the main beneficiaries of the trade war, while US consumers are facing rising import prices. Chile, Malaysia, Argentina, Brazil, Canada are external beneficiaries due to the growth in the supply of agricultural products and metals. Malaysia, Vietnam, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Japan win in electronics, while Vietnam, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, as well as India get additional advantages in textile production. The United States aimed at ousting China from the world rare earth metals market, forming an investment coalition consisting of Australia and Japan. The systemic spread of sanctions and trade restrictions is shifting the trade disputes resolution from the global level towards the US legal system, which seems to be relatively more efficient in resolving trade disputes.

The Taiwan issue, which originated from China’s civil war, not only defines the complex relationship between Beijing and Taipei but also has significant implications for security and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. The article examines the evolution of Taiwan’s status and the formation of Taiwanese identity within the context of the escalating geopolitical confrontation between China and the United States. The study focuses on historical, political, and cultural factors that have shaped Taiwanese identity, offering a fresh perspective that goes beyond previous binary ideological assessments. The authors highlight the influential role of historical heritage, including Chinese cultural influence, Polynesian culture, the Japanese colonial period, and Taiwan’s interaction with the United States, in shaping a unique hybrid Taiwanese identity. The analysis presented in the paper makes it evident that the Taiwan issue is not only intensified by the increasing US support for «separatist forces» on the island but also by the inherent dynamics of great-power competition. Taiwan aims to leverage global uncertainty to strengthen its international standing and assert its own agency. The findings of this study demonstrate that amid the intense US-Chinese competition, the expression of Taiwanese identity becomes magnified, thereby further complicating the pursuit of a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan issue in the long run. The conclusion derived from this research is relevant for understanding and forecasting the future dynamics of the situation in the Taiwan Strait.

Amidst current world order transformations, characterized by the balance of power shift towards non-Western countries, the research primarily revolves around the growing US – China confrontation. Yet, the ambivalence of the EU – China relations is no less an example of how key actors are trying to find their place and efficient instruments to promote their interests in the changing environment.

For the European Union this issue is particularly relevant due to its specific mode of actorness. The EU policy towards China is a critical case to understand how the Union can strengthen its position in the emerging multipolar world order without balancing, but still preserving opportunities to gain more resources through engagement with various centers of power.

The article presents the model to analyze the EU policy towards China and uses it to compare institutional and normative capabilities of the EU to protect common interests in key areas, crucial for the bilateral dialogue in the sphere of economy: trade, innovations, science and technology and “green” agenda.

The article concludes that the key factor for the EU to maintain its security and preserve its interests is the capability to manage interdependence. In the spheres, where objective competitiveness level or institutional capabilities allow to do so, cooperation trends prevail. Where competitive advantages of the EU are not so evident and there is lack of institutional capacity to promote interests outwards, confrontation emerges. Therefore, the EU is currently focused on developing internal defensive mechanisms, in the form of legal acts and other regulation tools at the disposal, as the first step to manage interdependence and avoid balancing against China to its own economic detriment.

Energy plays a vital role as the lifeblood of economic development, and China’s rapid economic growth necessitates a stable and secure energy supply. In this context, energy trade between China and Russia, under the framework of the of the One Belt One Road initiative, becomes a crucial element of China’s energy strategies. This paper employs a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods to comprehensively analyze the historical, current, and future aspects of energy cooperation between the two nations. Amidst the current international landscape, the energy cooperation structures of China and Russia exhibit complementarity, rendering the energy collaboration between both countries mutually beneficial. Hence, it is essential for China and Russia to reinforce their energy cooperation further, paving the way for a prosperous and symbiotic relationship in the energy sector.

The article attempts to revise the understanding of the nature of China’s 1989 Tiananmen Square crisis and its consequences in the context of comparison with Soviet/Russian history of 1980-1990s. Several dozens of studies and op-ed pieces focused on the problem earlier (especially in Russian-language literature) but these papers lacked Chinese sources, intended to liken the Tiananmen Square crisis to the Russian agenda, and simplified complicated cause-effects relations of the Chinese historical process. As a result, the conclusions are limited to the question of the necessity of a decisive crackdown on any turmoil or political manifestation as a sole tool to protect one nation’s stability and prosperity. China’s stability and prosperity after the Tiananmen Square Crisis should not be seen as a result of crackdowns. Paradoxically, despite the conservatives’ victory in 1989, China got back to the path of reforms several years after the Tiananmen Square events. It can be attributed to the complex set of internal and external factors, and the freezing of China’s political reforms was just one of them. Moreover, the process was facilitated not only by overcoming its political crisis but also by observing the revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe. Faced with the threat of being ousted from power, China’s elites consolidated – a factor that became crucial for the implementation of systemic market reforms in the 1990s. The author concludes that a similar situation was observed in post-Soviet Russia in 1998-2000: the Russian financial crisis and several events including Second Chechnya Campaign became the ‘backbone crisis’ of Vladimir Putin’s presidency.

The article deals with the theoretical treatises written by Kang Youwei (1858 — 1927) in exile and devoted to the understanding of Western social and political reality from the standpoint of a bearer of traditional Chinese culture and Neo-Confucian philosophy. First of all, these are “Travelogue to Italy” (Yidali youji, 1904) and “Impartial Words on Republicanism” (Gonghe pingyi, 1918). Kang Yuwei’s thinking is characterized by attention to the Confucian binary opposition si — gong (private — general), which he transferred to both civilizational development and international politics. In other words, the Western path of development, which consist national imperialist states based on economic, social and foreign policy competition and individualism (“private”), was opposed to the monolithic ancient China, whose society and politics are based on the principles of “community” and unity. Kang Youwei perceived the political reality of Western countries from the standpoint of traditional Chinese historiography, which was intended to serve as a base of positive and negative precedents for use by the ruler in the name of the common good and the harmonization of society. In Kang Youwei’s system of historical views, modern Italy and Germany were very important for illustrating the principle of consolidation of political entities and the merging of small and weak states into large empires. Methodologically, this was formalized as the assignment of Germany, Italy and China to the same ontological category (tong lei).