The article describes the methodology and specific practical techniques for creating an automated system for monitoring the presence of the hero's image in the modern Russian media space. As a media category that requires recognition in the public consciousness, the hero acts as an intermediary in the transmission of ideas and values from the generating center (such as the government or the church) to the masses. In the eras preceding the dominance of the sign-symbolic hyperreality generated by mass media, the creation of the hero's image (heroization) was more "natural" (spontaneous), reflecting the personal response to the challenges of the time inspired by cultural traditions. However, in the context of the modern information society, and especially after the emergence of interactive forms of mass communication, the possibilities for constructing the image of a hero with predetermined parameters have expanded. Modern technologies of social engineering and media tools allow for the simulation of value systems with predetermined manipulative characteristics. The emotionally charged and mythologized traditional image of a hero is particularly vulnerable. The study's topology of the Russian media space, based on the audience reach of mass media, reflects the existing structure of media consumption. The analysis of the current state of theoretical and applied research in the field of forming ideas about "hero" and "heroic" allowed the authors to develop a research methodology and approach the construction of a research concept defined as "the image of a modern hero." The heroic content quantification mechanism proposed in the work allows for monitoring and evaluating how "heroic" content is presented in the mass media and social networks and how it is perceived by consumers. The noted methodology became the theoretical basis, and the quantification mechanism defined the technical specification, which was implemented as an automated heroic content monitoring system with a correspondingly trained neural network to solve the problem of classifying messages into classes related to various aspects of the heroic image.

This paper examines digital media bias in the United States during the first 100 days of Donald Trump's second presidency. The aim of this study is to identify the dynamics of digital media bias toward the 47th US President between January 20 and May 1, 2025. Research question: How did the tone of news coverage about Donald Trump and his administration change in American digital media outlets positioning themselves as adherents of centrist, left-wing, and right-wing ideological leanings during the 100 days following his inauguration? In this paper, as in the two previous studies, the authors have used automated quantitative content analysis programs for sentiment analysis of texts and the creation of a dataset of publications (n=1000) posted on 20 top US digital media outlets. This approach has enabled identification of the ideologically differentiated about Donald Trump from January 20 to May 1, 2025, a period marked by the intensity of the 47th president's implemented innovations. Furthermore, the chosen methodology has enabled comparison of the obtained data with results reflecting bias during the first stage of the election campaign (from November 15, 2022, to March 30, 2023) and during the period between the two assassination attempts on the Republican candidate (from July 13 to September 22, 2024). This research, on the one hand, corroborated the conclusions from previous studies regarding the rigid institutionalization of ideological attitudes in the US digital media space, and on the other hand, empirically demonstrated that media bias mechanisms are capable of adapting to a changing political landscape. The rise of a Republican president led to a sharp increase in positive bias in conservative media. At the same time, opposing digital media managed to shift from overwhelmingly negative rhetoric to a more balanced, albeit still critical, model of coverage of the Republican administration. This confirmed the hypothesis that shifts in governing paradigms may influence established patterns of political bias in digital media. However, this transformation does not rule out of the further deepening of polarization in American society.

The article studies the case of the Italian party Northern League and discovers the reasons for introducing primaries to elect a party leader. The relevance of the topic is due to the growing interest in democratizing intra-party processes, especially within personalist parties. The research question is as follows: what are the reasons that encourage political parties to reform the internal election procedure? The concept of primaries is understood as an inclusive procedure for intra-party election by party members, supporters, and/or voters rather than closed procedures controlled by the party elite. Three hypotheses are tested: (1) a party reform is a consequence of an electoral defeat; (2) a party reform is initiated after the change of party leader; (3) a reform is caused by a change in the balance of power between factions. The study applies congruence analysis. The author recognizes that the unsuccessful parliamentary elections in 2013 and the departure of the leader influenced the reform. However, the rise of a new faction (the «Maronians») seeking to control the party and prevent the former leader Umberto Bossi from returning to power turned out to be the decisive factor. The introduction of primaries became a mechanism to redistribute power within the party. The author concludes that the rise of a new dominant faction is the most convincing explanation for the party reform, compared to alternative hypotheses. The study contributes to a better understanding of the internal party transformations and the factors changing party’s organizational practices. The results are of practical use to analyze the processes within parties which have primaries but lack real internal competition. The findings are also helpful to understand the causes of party reforms and the conditions of intra-party democracy expansion.

The aim of this article is to identify the main trends in the development of party systems in the Balkan countries. To address this issue, the political fragmentation index proposed by M. Laakso and R. Taagepera (effective number of parliamentary parties) is used, as well as the classification of party models proposed by J. Blondel and refined by A. Lijphart. The chronological framework of the study covers the period from 1990 to mid-2025. Geographically, the article includes ten countries of the Balkan region (Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Romania, North Macedonia, Serbia, Slovenia, Croatia and Montenegro), as well as the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo. The results suggest that the average level of political fragmentation in the region has increased since the early 1990s, but less than in Europe as a whole. In most of the countries analysed, there is a more or less intensive process of fragmentation of the political field, although in some periods this trend may be interrupted or even reversed. The described phenomenon is accompanied by the gradual displacement of two-party models from the Balkans. Even now, the most numerous category is the multiparty system without a dominant party, with the other three types represented in roughly equal proportions. There are, however, exceptions. Thus, in some countries we can register consolidation of the party system together with strengthening of two-party system. In others, there is such an amplitude of fluctuations in the fragmentation index that it is not possible to identify a general pattern.

The article presents the results of a study of Russian citizens’ perceptions of the country’s future in the context of a new political reality. The analysis focuses on regional differences in perceptions of Russia’s future and takes into account the influence of the socio-political context and the psychological state of society. The empirical evidence is drawn from two studies: the first covered 600 respondents from 37 Russian regions, while the second was an online survey involving more than 4,000 respondents from 42 regions. Four cases were selected for in-depth comparative analysis: the Lugansk People’s Republic (LPR), Kursk Oblast, Moscow, and Chelyabinsk Oblast. The study assumes that citizens’ perceptions of the country’s future are influenced by object-related, subject-related, and spatial factors. The findings indicate notable regional differentiation in perceptions of Russia’s future. Respondents from Kursk Oblast and the LPR are more likely to associate their personal future with the future of the country. Respondents from the LPR and Kursk Oblast are more likely than others to regard science as the main driver of positive change in Russia’s future. Moscow residents hold more critical attitudes, whereas the strongest traditionalist views were recorded among respondents from Kursk Oblast.

In the 21st century Japan is facing dramatic changes in the population structure. On the one hand, Japanese society is characterized by a rapid ageing of the population along with shrinking birthrate and growing life expectancy. On the other hand, young generations of Japanese renounce traditional behavioral patterns and communitarianism in favor of individualistic values. Changing social norms and patterns of social interaction shall unavoidably affect electoral process. The electoral field shall adapt to the changes in the voter’s social portrait and their ideological claims. The Zoomers, whose behavioral patterns and values have been shaped by the Fourth industrial Revolution and prompt digital environment development, are to appear at the polls for the very first time during Reiwa era. The article analyzes the key features of the electoral process in Reiwa era which are due to the reshaping electoral space and the differences in electoral behavior of different generations.

The paper examines current state and modernization of electoral space in Japan, unveils its key characteristics and issues. It studies the traditional characteristics of Japanese electorate as well as emerging trends. Relying on the opinion polls, the author investigates the political affiliations and patterns of electoral behavior among different generations of voters in Japan. The author concludes that young generations of Japanese voters do vote differently compared to Baby-boomers and Gen X. However, the scope of these differences is not as large as in other developed democracies. The ongoing changes fail to affect feasibly the electoral results due to the disproportional age structure and the inconsistencies of the existing electoral rule.

The article examines the evolution of the R2P concept (Responsibility to Protect) in the context of contemporary UN peacekeeping practices and France’s policy in Africa over the past decade. Particular attention is paid to the extent to which recent developments within the UN including the presentation of A New Agenda for Peace and the adoption of the Pact for the Future as well as debates on peacekeeping operations, make it possible to speak of a crisis or transformation of the concept. The article considers the main dimensions of France’s cooperation with the UN in the field of peacekeeping, including the participation of French military personnel in peacekeeping operations, the financing of such operations, the training of peacekeeping contingents from Francophone countries, and the coordination of draft UN Security Council resolutions under the so-called penholder system on a number of African country files and peacekeeping operations on the continent.

Based on an analysis of parliamentary hearings in France and statements by French representatives at the UN in 2023–2025, the article explores national approaches to participation in peacekeeping activities. It shows that, against the background of the end of Operation Barkhane (2014–2022) and the revision of France’s strategy in Africa, French political discourse has increasingly focused on the forms of interaction with African states and the future of France’s peacekeeping engagement. The article concludes that France intends to preserve a significant role in the UN peacekeeping system, primarily through mandate formation, political support for operations, financial participation and personnel training, while maintaining security partnerships with African states amid the reduction of its military presence on the continent.

Book review: Khalid A. Central Asia: From the Age of Empires to the Present Day / Adib Khalid; Per. from English M.: Alpina non-fiction, 2024. 560 p.

This review focuses on American historian Adeeb Khalid’s book Central Asia: From the Age of Empires to the Present Day, published in Russian by Alpina Non-Fiction in 2024. Khalid adopts a constructivist and “decolonial” approach, offering a broad cultural and historical overview of Central Asia, including the Chinese region of Xinjiang. The work contains observations on the region's transformation from ancient nomadic tribes to modern political regimes. Targeted at a Western audience, the book is presented as a work of popular history combining historical facts with interpretation. Despite its methodological shortcomings, it may be regarded as an introduction to the complex history of Central Asia. From the perspective of historical narratives prevailing in Western discourse. However, it should also be taken into account that this author’s books not only fit into the contemporary Western propaganda “decolonization discourse”, which is anti-Russian and especially anti-Chinese in character, but are also a clear example of that discourse: the author uses sources selectively, ignores a substantial body of Russian and Chinese historiography, and makes numerous generalizations. Nevertheless, this discussion of the book may be useful for understanding the nature of the aforementioned discourse and its accompanying narratives, given their evident ideological overtones and political bias.

Legal regulation of technology transfer is essential for the protection of intellectual property rights, the reduction of contractual risks, the assurance of transaction transparency, and the creation of conditions for the effective commercialization of innovations. Annual international rankings such as the Global Innovation Index make it possible to assess the level of innovative development of countries and territories across multiple indicators, including innovation conditions, resources, and practical outputs. An analysis of this index also makes it possible to draw conclusions about the nature and state of the regulatory frameworks of foreign states with high indicators of innovation creation and transfer, and to assess the prospects for adapting their experience to relevant domestic practice. For example, how is the system of contractual models mediating national technology transfer relations structured in China and Japan, leaders in the global and Asian markets? Is the experience of these countries applicable in Russian practice in order to increase Russia’s effectiveness in technology transfer relations on the international stage? The editorial team of Comparative Politics discusses these and other issues in an interview with a group of Russian legal scholars.