The study of “double peripheries” is a new area of center-periphery research, the development of which is currently hampered by several methodological difficulties, including the problems of conceptualization and empirical interpretation of the “double periphery“ as a scientific concept. Citing Russian Far East as an example, the article attempts to provide methodologically founded identification of a specific double periphery. Drawing on the results of contemporary center-periphery studies, the paper advances a working definition of a double periphery. This allows for identifying statistical indicators that are necessary to assess whether a socio-geographical object belongs to the peripheries of the named type. After that the author conducts a comparative historical analysis of quantitative data on the societal potential of the Russian Far East in 1990–2020 and the dynamics of its trade, investment and migration ties. The analysis concludes that the macroregion represents a double periphery which has developed in the post-Soviet period in relation to the NEA-3 countries (China, Japan, the Republic of Korea) and Russia. Today it is most clearly manifested in the export of goods and outbound tourism. Finally, the article outlines possible ways to stimulate development of the Far Eastern macroregion under the objective constraints imposed by its peripheral position. The implication to be made is that it is necessary to move from the selective policy of local preferences, which has been carried out since the beginning of the 2010s, to the areal planned development of the Russian Far East based on the introduction of a special administrative regime on the its territory.

Great powers play an important role in global and regional processes. In the context a shift towards deglobalization among Western countries, China and Russia are maintaining their positions on economic globalization and implementing their ideas to advance Eurasian integration. The objective of this study is to analyze and compare the Chinese and Russian perspectives on globalization and regionalization, and to examine the implications for Eurasian integration. Based on a comparison of the official positions and expert views of the two countries, the author came to the conclusion that despite some differences in Chinese and Russian views, they share common positions on two important matters of globalization and regionalization: globalization should be beneficial to all humanity, and regional integration does not contradict globalization. This provides the basis for cooperation between the two countries in the Eurasian integration processes - the SCO, the EAEU and the BRI.

This article investigates the relationship between the quality of political and economic institutions and economic growth. The study aims to empirically test the hypothesis of an interdependence between institutional quality and GDP growth rates following the global economic crisis of 2008 2009. The analysis focuses on the period of stable global economic growth from 2010 to 2018, with the upper boundary set at the onset of the COVID 19 crisis. To assess the quality of political institutions, each country’s average ’’Democracy Index’’ ranking over the nine-year period is used. Economic institutional quality is measured via the country’s average position in the ‘’Ease of Doing Business Index’’ over the same timeframe. Economic growth rates are determined by calculating the average ranking of countries over nine years according to World Bank data. Correlation analysis reveals that, in the post-crisis period, countries with lower positions in both indexes experienced the highest growth rates, while those leading in these rankings displayed comparatively lower economic growth. These observed differences may be attributable to the low-base effect in some rapidly growing countries and the effective economic policies of their elites. In contrast, the case of Russia highlights a unique pattern, where a low «Democracy Index» position correlates with a low economic growth rate, and a relatively favorable «Ease of Doing Business Index» position corresponds to lower growth – a paradox that may be explained by the severe negative impacts of the global economic crisis, anti-Russian sanctions, and ineffective economic policy. The findings underscore the need to further develop research methodologies at the intersection of political science and economics to deepen our understanding of the relationship between institutional quality across different sectors and macroeconomic performance dynamics.

The aim of this article is to identify changes in the priorities of the EU’s African strategy, seeking to maintain its position on the continent in light of competition from such actors as the United States and China, as well as to trace the evolution of the relations formats and influence of integration processes on the EU-Africa relations model. The authors use complex interdisciplinary approach, narrative methods and comparative analysis to determine new trends in EU cooperation with African countries including transition to multilateralism and regionalization; applying elements of integration and external Europeanization as convergence and incorporation of procedures, practices and norms in cooperation projects in Africa, using “soft power” instruments; policy of “equal partnership” and politicization of EU-Africa relations. However, the effectiveness of Europeanization as a replication of the European value system and democratic transition in African countries with other civilizational norms is very limited, so EU countries follow institutional logic in their relations with them. The authors underscore that the process of regional integration in Africa is one of the results of deepening cooperative interactions against the backdrop of its continuing asymmetry, also being an important difference of EU-Africa project from other cooperative models. Asymmetry manifests in economic relations, especially trade agreements, recognition of equal partnership, different positions in new world order, intra-country development differences and financial and labor force abilities of African countries. Equally relevant is the analysis of EU competition with the USA and China in Africa, identifying its specific traits in cooperation with the continent, and future prospects of the EU cooperation with African countries under the new realities and possible shortcomings of a new EU-Africa project.

In the current conditions of confrontation with the West, Russia seeks to diversify its external relations, hence a growing attention it pays to such partners as African countries. Establishing effective cooperation requires deep knowledge of political elites, which is largely facilitated by the research of Russian Africanists, conducted primarily at the Institute of African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences as well as in other research centers - the Centre for African Studies of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Asian and African Countries of Moscow State University, MGIMO University, HSE University, IMEMO of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Oriental Faculty of St. Petersburg State University, etc. Among their areas of interest are such subjects as the study of female political elites, as well as the elites in multilateral institutions, primarily in the UN structures.

Since the early 2000s, one of the main features of the formation of political leadership in the Republic of South Africa (South Africa) has been the expansion of women’s representation in government bodies at all levels. Some of these women held leadership positions in various UN structures. This article uses functional and biographical research methods to analyze the activities of South African women who have been active in human rights issues, in the fight against hunger and HIV/AIDS at the national and international levels, at the UN and the African Union. This article’s research was centered at such prominent South African political figures as Mrs. N. Pillay, Mrs. P. Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Mrs. S. Sisulu. The author notes both their achievements in solving the above-mentioned contemporary problems and the difficulties they encountered in their activities.

Special attention is paid to the attitude of South African women towards the issue of gender equality, which they consider a necessary condition for democratic development. At various multilateral venues, Mrs. N. Pillay, Mrs. P. Mlambo-Ngcuka, and Mrs. S. Sisulu advocated for the empowerment of women in all areas of political, economic, and public life, both while holding leadership positions in the UN and after completing their terms of office. The long-standing work of South African women at the UN in the fight for human rights, against hunger and HIV/AIDS and for gender equality demonstrates the possibility of women’s participation in solving contemporary problems at levels of utmost significance.

The article examines the transformation of South Asia, highlighting the distinctive characteristics of the foreign policy strategies of major powers, the interplay between regionalization and globalization, and the prospects for either confrontation or interdependence among the region’s dominant states. South Asia is currently undergoing multifaceted and ambiguous repercussions of significant geopolitical shifts, underscoring the growing importance of analyzing the contemporary phase of interstate relations in this region. South Asia, in many ways, mirrors the broader global changes but on a smaller scale. The region comprises countries with stark disparities in territory, population, economic capacity, scientific and technological advancement, military power, as well as cultural and civilizational traits – all of which significantly shape interstate relations. India’s dominance within the region fosters distrust among its neighbors and exacerbates their perception of vulnerability. Consequently, these states increasingly seek to strengthen their positions in both regional and international arenas by leveraging relationships with extra-regional powers, most notably China. Moreover, unresolved disputes with India are frequently brought to the attention of the international community. The article also addresses the impact of external factors on South Asia’s international relations system, focusing on the substantial shifts in the strategies of major powers following the Cold War. It explores key issues such as the Indian-Chinese rivalry in the region, the United States’ adverse influence, and Russia’s policy toward South Asia.

In 2016–2017, it was the Franco-German tandem which nurtured European security integration. The leaders of both states have been used to reaching a compromise despite different approaches to Atlanticism and Europeanism balance. However, the Ukrainian conflict escalation has changed the defense policies pursued by France and Germany. This paper argues, that during the last two years the differences between the two states concerning security issues have widened. With Germany even more relying on NATO as the most important security guarantor for Europe, France tends to simultaneously argue for a stronger, more independent European defense. Amid limited resources, it became more difficult for both parties to compromise. The article compares shifts in German and French policies on three levels, that are conceptual (the role of NATO and the EU in strategic papers and addresses of the French and German leaders), program-initiative (involvement in NATO and the EU security initiatives over the past two years), and military-industrial (joint projects and procurements). The research reveals that since the Ukrainian crisis escalation France and Germany have tended to rely on NATO as the main security guarantor, still the former is strongly committed to effectively strengthening European security. Germany and France differ in terms of their involvement in NATO and the EU security initiatives as well as procurements. Having its own nuclear weapons and military-industrial complex, the latter is less committed to NATO, yet highly supports European defense projects, seeking economic and political benefits. Germany prioritizes proven NATO structures, bilateral initiatives, as well as transatlantic defense procurements. The paper reveals a correlation between the policies of Germany and France and their dependence on the US military-industrial complex.

The article explores the specific features of the UK strategic approach to policy towards Russia and China through the British establishment’s perception of threats to national security. Based on the Intermestic Realism theoretical model, the author analyses how the broad domestic political discourse influences strategic tasks being formulated in foreign policy and vise versa. The demand for the protection of the democratic process as widely seen now to be threatened by authoritarian regimes, as well as the emphasis on the counteraction against some state actors, have brought about the emergence of new narratives in the UK. These trends affect decision-makers in the field of foreign policy, and retain the potential to influence strategic culture regardless of which party the Cabinet belongs to. In terms of the UK-Russia and UK-China relations, two trends are emerging, related to the discourse on malicious interference and attempts at foreign influence not only on electoral and democratic processes, but also on public opinion, and, consequently, on the mainstream domestic political discourse. New law enforcement practices formulated in response to these challenges, on the one hand, provide some leeway in UK policy planning, and on the other hand, confine the policy only to a threat-centered discourse, creating long-term hard line towards Moscow and an increasingly less flexible approach towards Beijing.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main aspects of the development of the world space activities: the growth of the space economy; an increase in the number of space activities subjects (both in the country aspect and in the functional aspects, such as the state, the private sector, public-private partnership). The impact of the space activities on the development of other sectors of the economy is emphasized. Particular emphasis of this conducted research is on the American space activities. The spiral-evolutionary approach to the development of space activities is discussed. The most important key space technologies both in terms of the development of space-based facilities and systems and the space production complex and also the main approaches of the leading space countries to the development of the space weapons are determined by the authors. In total identified aspects underline the necessity for the extension of the discussion platforms for the activating debates concerning determination of the prospects for the development of the world space activity.

The EU sanctions have targeted Russian energy industry since 2014. Since February 2022, the European Union has imposed a series of unprecedented restrictions affecting Russian fuel trade, a highly sensitive area for both sides, each having a pragmatic interest hereinunder. Energy price cap established in 2022 became the climax of the EU’ sanctions policy against the Russian fuel and energy complex, making it one of the toughest measures in the history of the EU’s anti-Russian energy restrictions. In order to adapt to the new realities, the export directions of the Russian oil industry were reoriented from Europe to Asia. A number of domestic and foreign researchers have focused on the EU’ sanctions policy against the Russian fuel and energy industry, assessing its impact on the global energy market. At the same time, some issues remain insufficiently studied, including the effectiveness of the Russian adaptation strategy, as well as the impact of this strategy on Russia’s key trading partners. The purpose of this study is to identify the impact of the EU’ sanctions against the Russian fuel and energy complex on energy trade between Russia and its main counterparts; to reflect the current trends in Russia’s energy trade relations with China, India and Turkey; to assess the effectiveness of Russia’s strategy tailored to adapt to the EU’ restrictions in this area; and to evaluate the effectiveness of this strategy. The research shows that in the short term, the domestic oil industry has managed to promptly respond to the challenges that arose, which was possible due to significant discounts provided to the new partners. While Russian economy was trying to adapt to the current conditions in the global energy market, using the aforementioned strategy, key beneficiaries of the EU’ sanctions policy were clearly identified, including India, China and Turkey.