The main topic of this issue is the phenomenon and politics of historical memory. At the end of the 20th century, the concept of historical memory emerged in the subject field of socio-humanitarian knowledge along with the notions of historical knowledge, historical consciousness and perceptions of the past as a tool for re-interpreting the relationship between history, memory and identity. The relevant research is often defined as "turn", "memorial paradigm", "memorial revolution" and even "memorial boom". The German researcher A. Assmann even used the term "popular fascination" with the study of images of the past as interpretive models for re-interpreting the present. The memorial paradigm adopted the ideas of the French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, the author of Collective Memory, who died in a Nazi concentration camp, and, above all, Halbwachs' key idea: if history as a science strives for universality, and with all the divisions into national histories or histories by periods, there is only one history, then there are simultaneously several variants of collective memory.

The article sheds light on memory politics in Mongolia. It focuses on the memorial complex dedicated to G.K. Zhukov, which includes a museum, a monument and a street. The research design is tailored to identify the ways of using history for political purposes. The study draws on three groups of empirical sources, that are the author’s personal observations, the publications in Mongolian and Russian media as well as public statements made by the heads of states. The paper analyses how the political status of the memorial has evolved since the 20th century, by emphasizing different cultural and political meanings attached to the exposition and the facade of the museum. The article also considers commemoration practices associated with the memorial complex. The study concludes that the inclusion of the museum in the sphere of public commemoration at the head-of-state level is linked to the restoration of military and political cooperation between Russia and Mongolia in 2008.

The article delves into the preservation and portrayal of historical memory in Russia-China cross-border regions by means of museums and memorials in context of creating a "compromise" version of the history of Russian-Chinese relations that would satisfy both countries. Despite the current high level of bilateral relations, unresolved issues from the past of Russian-Chinese relations persist, often interpreted differently by each side. The issues typically revolve around differing interpretations by the two countries, spanning from historical events like the Albazin Campaign in the 17th century and Treaties of Aigun and Peking (1858, 1860) to Manchuria Campaign of the Soviet Army in 1945 and Damansky Conflict in 1969. Different understanding of such issues is manifested in the exhibits of museums and memorials all along the border. While the content may appear to carry Sinophobic or Russophobic undertones, its primary purpose is to promote internal patriotism rather than denigrate the neighboring country. However, the divergent narratives presented in museums in Russia and China lead to ‘competition of narratives’ in historical memory. In this ‘competition’ the attempts to persuade the neighboring country of the 'correct interpretation’ of history leads to misunderstandings and even conflicts. More reasonable approach to addressing the challenges arising from differing interpretations of shared history is to create its compromise version. However achieving this goal necessitates a significant investment of time and effort from scholars, diplomats and policymakers in both countries.

In the case of East Asia, the expression “history is past politics” is not just a phrase, but also an accurate description of reality. References to historical events are common both in public and state-regulated discourses. Central to the historical memory politics is the concept of “historical grievances”, with one side painting itself as an innocent victim and the other as a vile assailant to discredit them and mobilize own population. Russo-Korean relations are free from hard to resolve or agenda-dominating grievances, but certain historical events contain seeds of potential grievances. This paper aims to analyze potentially “problematic” aspects of Russo-Korean relations up to the early twentieth century, i.e. “Albazin wars” of the late 1600s, “Noktundo Island” dispute and events surrounding Russian Empire’s influence on Korean domestic affairs in the late 19th – early 20th century. The analysis covers both South Korean and North Korean views.

The article analyses the formation of new identities in the Caspian post-Soviet republics. The overall importance of the subject under consideration stems from the need to reassess Russia’s current foreign policy interests and its renewed role in the international arena. Throughout Russian history the Caspian region has been of a particular interest. The development of the Caspian region is perceived as a complex issue, entailing tough negotiations on the Caspian Sea shelf, emerging alternative transport roots bypassing Russia, etc. The Caspian Sea region is becoming a place where the configuration and alliances of various political forces may be multivariate and unpredictable. Therefore, the relevant task is to identify the peculiar patterns of identity formation in the Caspian countries, emphasizing the role of memory policy. The paper focuses on Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan using sociological survey (both quantitative and qualitative), conducted by the authors, as a basic research method. The respondents were young citizens of both countries. The study shows that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan use the same patterns to shape new memory policy, namely the fundamentalization of their own past through its ancientization, the revision and revaluation of the past shared with Russia and the anticipation of future opportunities. These processes are aimed at reinforcing political independence and demonstrating new prospects. At the same time, the results of the memory policy are controversial and its efficiency differs in these states: the coherence between expected and actual results is more evident in Kazakhstan.

The article compares the ways in which the right to education is enshrined in modern constitutions of various countries. The study aims to identify the main trends and patterns, concerning how constitutions provide for the realization of this right in the current conditions. The approaches to these issues vary in different states. Some country peculiarities may also be seen in the judicial protection of the constitutional right to education as well as in the content of the constitutional right to education.

Russia's heteronormative policies have been receiving substantial attention mainly from Western scholars, who condemn the gendered-based regularization of identities in Russian cultural politics. I investigate the potential of these policies in legitimizing domestic power, creating a counter-hegemony, and the potential of geopolitical influence confronting Western global hegemony. The paper addresses the discursive construction of auto-governing subjects to illuminate the way national identity is fashioned by the art of governmentality. Methodologically it is mapped on the Foucauldian reading of Gramsci, assuming that the art of governmentality can be a way to win the consent of subjects to ensure hegemony. To examine governmentality, I demonstrate how the liberty of women is controlled in a rational as well as an affective milieu. The article demonstrates that Russian dominant discourses, such as commercials, depict viable female identity in line with traditional gender norms. However, social promotion, and idealization of the female body, are new aspects of a Russian woman in contrast to the USSR discourse of sexual silencing. Women in a rational milieu calculate and decide to choose the viable, rather than marginalized non-heteronormative female identity. In the affective milieu, women's identity construction is controlled by the affections produced by various discourses, such as media. Self-governing subjects consent to traditional female identity, which gives them subjectivity while legitimizing the state power. Depiction of corrupted western moralities in opposition to Russian ethics elicits a sense of threat versus promise, alien versus us. These affections secure against non-heteronormative female identity. It is concluded that delineating the borders between morally deviant West and ethical Russia has the potential of creating a geopolitical hegemony of Russia as the global savior.

Integration organizations exhibit variations in the extent of integration interaction, economic capacity, and global significance. The European Union (EU) stands out as the most successful in terms of regional integration, actively engaging in external relations with diverse regions, individual nations, and integration blocs. Particularly noteworthy is the EU's robust advancement of interregional policies in Latin America with the Common Market of South America (MERCOSUR) and in Asia with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Interregionalism is commonly construed as collaboration between two integration blocs, termed the "pure" or ideal form of interregionalism. However, another variant exists, involving interaction not with the integration bloc as a whole but with its individual member countries, known as quasi-interregionalism. Within Southeast Asia (SEA), a coexistence of various interregionalism types is observable, such as "pure" interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN, and quasi-interregionalism in dealings between the EU and countries like Indonesia, Singapore, and Vietnam within the association. This article focuses on the case of quasi-interregionalism in the EU-Indonesia context. The EU's interregional approach towards Indonesia aims to establish a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA). Similarly, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) actively pursues interregional policies, fostering trade and economic cooperation with ASEAN members, having already finalized FTAs with Singapore and Vietnam. A key issue is the ongoing negotiations for an FTA agreement with Indonesia, initiated in the spring of 2023. The significance of this study lies in the limited exploration of interregional dynamics between the EAEU and Indonesia by both domestic and international scholars. Comparing this with the more extensively studied case of EU-Indonesia quasi-interregionalism can provide a foundation for a deeper examination of the topic. This article aims to compare the interregional experiences of the EU and EAEU with Indonesia, identify factors influencing interregional policy implementation in the region, and offer a forecast regarding the future of EU and EAEU agreements with Indonesia. Comparative analysis criteria include the status of trade relations, their institutionalization level, and obstacles to concluding FTA agreements.

Assessing political efficacy is considered one of the most challenging topics in the social and political sciences. While traditional measures of political efficacy include a common number of indicators ranging from analyzing the economic state of countries and their military capabilities to examining soft power indicators, this article proposes to consider rhetoric as an alternative measure of political efficacy. Drawing on evidence from linguistic and cognitive sciences, the author argues that rhetoric also plays a significant role in achieving political goals. To prove this hypothesis, the article analyzes T. Docherty's recent work "Political English: Language and the Decay of Politics" for fresh ideas about the influence of rhetoric on political efficacy. In addition, the author mentions the principles of rhetoric, which have already become fundamental, as well as the tools of language influence on political efficacy. By emphasizing the importance of rhetoric as an indicator of political efficacy, this article contributes to a deeper understanding of the cognitive and communicative aspects of political influence.