Since establishing their self-proclaimed Caliphate in Syria and Iraq, Islamic State’s communications strategy has proved effective in recruiting foreign jihadist fighters and people to immigrate to the region to live, as well as radicalising people who remain in their home state to their cause. This article is a comparative study on the impact this strategy has had on Russia and UK and analyses the threat cased to both states in the recruitment of individuals to Islamic State’s cause and how their respective counter-terrorism agencies can counter this within a legal framework to ensure they operate within the rule of law. It is necessary to compare the positions of Russia and the UK since the states have different view over conflicts in Middle East, besides that Britain joined the US’ coalition. Russia has got a broader counter-terrorism legislation that is more effective being compared to the British one. At the same time the states need to combine their efforts against global Islam radicalization.

The article is devoted to new applied methodic for foreign policy and international relations forecast “scripted round table” elaborated in Centre for Asia-Pacific Studies IHAE FEB RAS. All of existing methodic and their development and application contexts analysis permitted us to draw a conclusion, that interpretation of modern world transformation needs a new one based on a broad trans-disciplinary convergence. According to J. Topolski – W. Wrzosek approach it had been provided with four steps: dialog of methods, effective ones’ isolation, finding new methodological base, elaboration and approbation of a new methodic. As U.S. decision-making process is well studied it had been chosen as an subject of the research. Existing methods of analysis demonstrated a necessity for a new theoretical methodological base to transform them into flexible set of researching tools. Principals of mathematical function and modern physical picture of the world in correspondence with political and social world realities had been chosen as the one. The result permitted to elaborate scripted round table methodic. It means preparation of several lists of issues to be analyzed by experts. All of them had been spread among participants of scripted round table. The list of issues to be discussed had been prepared and spread beforehand as well. In accordance with elaborated procedure all the speakers mutually exchanged their papers not later than two days before the gathering. All its participants had been divided to speakers and “experts without paper”, who took part in discussion only. It permitted to make the one strict, to form condition for non-standard suggestions to be expressed and to draw an integrated picture combined general trends an unique phenomena’s ones. Results of scripted round tables had been represented in final analytical documents.

The article examines different variants of theoretical approaches to historical research, using the example of the analysis of foreign policy decision making in Japan during the rule of the Liberal Democratic Party (the “1955 system” period). These approaches are sorted by the degree of their generalizability. The difference in methodological approaches corresponds to the variation of epistemological positions, particularly, to the evaluations of possibility and usefulness of searching for regularities, existing irrespective of cultural and historical context. The conclusion is drawn that understanding the strengths and weaknesses of each of these approaches, as well as of the goals that can be set within their boundaries has significant importance for historical methodology.

At present, the INSTC is being widely discussed among policy makers and academia as on the ground progress is fast taking shape. The project has primarily remained an initiative of four major participating states – i.e. India, Iran, Azerbaijan and Russia – that are territorially located along the route of the corridor. Private businesses, whether local companies or MNCs, have not been very interested to jointly develop the project, mostly out of their concerns for assured returns on investments. The study builds a comprehensive case for the participating states to actively engage the private companies for developing the mega-connectivity project. The latter holds an advantage over advanced digital technologies in the global markets. Hence, public-private partnerships will bring about application of advanced digital technologies, like IoT, Blockchain technology, etc., which will efficiently serve the needs of different activities happening along the entire length of the corridor. This, in turn, will increase the overall strength and utility of the corridor, thereby ensuring its lasting success.

The paper dwells on analyzing impact of the law status of Russian refugees in China on SovietChinese relations in the first half of the twentieth century. The author describes the peculiarities of the law status of Russian refugees in various areas of China, its dependence on the political situation in the Far East and SovietChinese relations at different stages in the formation and subsequent disintegration of the diaspora.

The article is devoted to problems of Soviet policy “of the conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway” in the second half of the 1920s. It was “The conflict on the CER in 1926” and “Conflict on the CER in 1929,” In the political history of Soviet-Chinese relations. First “The conflict on the CER”, coincided, and was associated with a critical event in the history of the ruling party in the Soviet Union the Bolshevik Party. That year Trotsky and several other leaders were expelled from the Politburo of the CPSU (b) LD of the party, all the power was in the hands of one leader – Stalin. Second “The conflict on the CER” coincided and was associated with a critical event in the history of the Russian state – the establishment of a totalitarian model. The article is written on the basis of published and unpublished documents, recovering the course of Soviet policy developments in relation to the CER and established a cause-effect relationship of the two events “conflict on the CER”. Cooperative control of the CER in the second half of the 1920s carried a set of domestic economic and political contradictions. When comparing the two “conflict on the CER” it is clear that in the beginning of 1926 the Soviet elite were able to pursue a more flexible policy, adjust policies, to make compromises. In 1929, this ability has been largely lost, and Soviet policy became more and more to rely on force to achieve goals.

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the PRC strategy in the Arctic. The author considers China's attempts to influence the Arctic countries through scientific diplomacy. Chinese geopolitics in scientific papers is now actively justify the Arctic status of China. China's Arctic strategy has not yet been finalized, but a common vector of orientation is emerging. In fact, China's policy divided Arctic and Arctic countries into two groups: countries that are interested in the presence of China in the Arctic and countries that do not want to see China as a serious player. If we build a hierarchy of China's interests in the Arctic, economic goals will have an undoubted priority. The implementation of China's economic plans will largely depend on its status as one of the world's leading powers in the 21st century. The development of the NSR, the study of the consequences of climate change in the Arctic and getting to the hydrocarbon resources of the Northern region will become the main priorities of China in the near future.

The Editorial Board of Comparative Politics Russia publishes the second part of the situational analysis which was held in the form of a roundtable to share the results of the analysis of the dynamics and current state of the development of Russian-Chinese relations and the development of the situation in the Asia-Pacific Region. The researchers of the Center for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects of Moscow State Institute of International Relations, the Institute for Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, the Institute of Political and Military Analysis, the Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations, National Research University Higher School of Economics, National BRICS Committee. Leading Russian experts discussed the current state and prospects of Russian-Chinese relations and the evolution of the situation in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as the formation of a new functional Indo-Pacific region (Indo-Pacific), problems and prospects for new regional projects in Eurasia.

After the reunification of the Crimea with Russia, the perception of the foreign policy course turned into a universal marker, serving to identify membership in specific political groups. Differences in assessments of Russian foreign policy became one of the reasons for the split within the non-system opposition. The positioning of Russian foreign policy has become a factor determining the prospects for expanding supporters of various opposition structures. The purpose of this study is to identify common and specific elements in assessments of Russia's foreign policy for the period 2014-2017 by leaders of non-system opposition. The empirical basis of the work was formed by summarizing the materials of public speeches of 13 politicians belonging to different segments of the non-system opposition. The perception of the foreign policy of official Moscow is assessed through the prism of positioning the situation around the Crimea, Donbass and Syria. Based on the findings, it was concluded that within the non-system opposition, as well as within its individual groups, a joint assessment of Russia's foreign policy was not worked out. Similarly, alternative scenarios of foreign policy, offered by the opposition, differ substantially. There are certain consensus points. So, with rare exceptions, the oppositionists condemn Russia's interference in the Syrian conflict in any form, like the idea of the need for an unconditional return of the Crimea to Ukraine. The common point in assessing the Kremlin's foreign policy is accusations of ignoring the state of the Russian economy and seeking to use local conflicts as a means of diverting citizens' attention from domestic problems. However, liberals, representatives of nationalists and the conditional «patriotic wing» differ significantly in the perception of the situation in the Donbass, in many respects in principle. Differences in foreign policy issues may serve as an obstacle to the consolidation of both the entire non-system opposition and its individual, ideologically close groups. At the same time, we can note favorable conditions for creating situational alliances between representatives of different ideological nominations.

At present, the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is being widely discussed among policy makers and academia as on the ground progress is fast taking shape. The project has primarily remained an initiative of four major participating states – i.e. India, Iran, Azerbaijan and Russia  – that are territorially located along the route of the corridor. Private businesses, whether local companies or multinational corporations, have not been very interested to jointly develop the project, mostly out of their concerns for assured returns on investments. The study builds a comprehensive case for the participating states to actively engage the private companies for developing the mega-connectivity project. The latter holds an advantage over advanced digital technologies in the global markets. Hence, public-private partnerships will bring about application of advanced digital technologies, like IoT, Blockchain technology, etc., which will efficiently serve the needs of different activities happening along the entire length of the corridor. This, in turn, will increase the overall strength and utility of the corridor, thereby ensuring its lasting success.

Perspectives of China’s ‘One Belt – One Road’ Initiative in Central Asia will depend on various factors. Central Asia as a region of Russian “sphere of influence” may become a testing zone for ‘division of powers’ between two powers when China will limit itself with only economic type of integration, while Russia preserves own dominance; or Beijing will strengthen military-political influence in the region. In the case of successful implementation the Initiative can crate solid base for the growth of Chinese political and military presence in the region.

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the PRC strategy in the Arctic. The author considers China’s attempts to influence the Arctic countries through scientific diplomacy. Chinese geopolitics in scientific papers is now actively justify the Arctic status of China. China’s Arctic strategy has not yet been finalized, but a common vector of orientation is emerging. In fact, China’s policy divided Arctic and Arctic countries into two groups: countries that are interested in the presence of China in the Arctic and countries that do not want to see China as a serious player. If we build a hierarchy of China’s interests in the Arctic, economic goals will have an undoubted priority. The implementation of China’s economic plans will largely depend on its status as one of the world’s leading powers in the 21st century. The development of the NSR, the study of the consequences of climate change in the Arctic and getting to the hydrocarbon resources of the Northern region will become the main priorities of China in the near future.

After the reunification of the Crimea with Russia, the perception of the foreign policy course turned into a universal marker, serving to identify membership in specific political groups. Differences in assessments of Russian foreign policy became one of the reasons for the split within the non-system opposition. The positioning of Russian foreign policy has become a factor determining the prospects for expanding supporters of various opposition structures. The purpose of this study is to identify common and specific elements in assessments of Russia's foreign policy for the period 2014 – 2017 by leaders of non-system opposition. The empirical basis of the work was formed by summarizing the materials of public speeches of 13 politicians belonging to different segments of the non-system opposition. The perception of the foreign policy of official Moscow is assessed through the prism of positioning the situation around the Crimea, Donbass and Syria. Based on the findings, it was concluded that within the non-system opposition, as well as within its individual groups, a joint assessment of Russia's foreign policy was not worked out. Similarly, alternative scenarios of foreign policy, offered by the opposition, differ substantially. There are certain consensus points. So, with rare exceptions, the oppositionists condemn Russia's interference in the Syrian conflict in any form, like the idea of the need for an unconditional return of the Crimea to Ukraine. The common point in assessing the Kremlin's foreign policy is accusations of ignoring the state of the Russian economy and seeking to use local conflicts as a means of diverting citizens' attention from domestic problems. However, liberals, representatives of nationalists and the conditional "patriotic wing" differ significantly in the perception of the situation in the Donbass, in many respects - in principle. Differences in foreign policy issues may serve as an obstacle to the consolidation of both the entire non-system opposition and its individual, ideologically close groups. At the same time, we can note favorable conditions for creating situational alliances between representatives of different ideological nominations.

The lives of Russians who settled down in Taiwan in the 19th century are still an unexplored field in studies on history of the island and Russian-Taiwanese relations. In 1996 the grave of certain Johan Aminoff, born in Finland, was located by one of the authors at the Westerners’ cemetery in Taipei (Tamsui district). Ten years later, a letter written by a person named Aminoff was found in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AFPRE). This letter was sent by him to the Russian consulate in Foochow in the summer of 1900. The content of this letter, forwarded to the Russian Embassy in Beijing and later to Sanct-Petersburg, was so significant that it was brought to the attention of Nicholas II, the Russian Emperor, who “left the Highest mark on the original” with a blue pencil. As it’s proved by our research, the author of the letter and the man buried in Taipei is the same person. This article details the amazing life story of Johan Aminoff, a Finnish with Russian-Swedish roots, who lived in Taiwan for nearly 30 years. He served in the Japanese police, but kept in mind Russia and the duty to his country. This biographical research is based on a wide range of sources, including reports from the American Bible Society, Finnish genealogical archives, documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of Russian Empire and the archives of Japanese colonial administration in Taiwan, as well as the publications in the pre-revolutionary Russian press.

The Russian Academy of Sciences carried out a academically important project – the publication of the multivolume heritage of I.M. Maisky. Letters, documents, materials related to the activities of an outstanding domestic politician, diplomat and scholar Ivan Mikhailovich Maisky were for the first time published in the series «Scientific Legacy» from 2005 to 2011. Then the «second life” of his heritage began when his diaries in English, French and German were published. New editions in Spanish and Chinese are also being prepared. The publication of the unreleased heritage of I.M. Maisky, as well as his note on M. Tukhachevsky and V. Putna, is important for understanding the foreign policy and political dimension of modern history and can be used effectively in comparative historical analysis.