The article examines the problem of relations between the General and the Unique in the social and political sciences. The author highlights the different views on this perspective: some scientists explain specifi c cases by bringing them under general theories and laws while others researchers emphasize that each case, each phenomenon is unique and shouldn’t be generalization. The author theorizes that there is a methodological bridge between the generalizing spirit of social science and uniqueness of events and cases.

One of the major tendencies of today’s world development is a transformation of special coordinates of world politics, shifting geopolitics of the XXI century world system as a result of two processes: globalization and regionalization. This entails the consolidation of new centers of power including global regions which are transforming into key units of world politics of the XXI century.

Hegemonic party regimes are non-democratic regimes that [1] rule with the aid of a dominant political party and [2] hold multi-party elections. Elite coalitions organized under the aegis of a hegemonic party are most vulnerable in elections that coincide with poor economic performance. A declining economy provides elites with a platform around which they can mobilize support to challenge incumbents in elections. As a result, the likelihood of defections from hegemonic parties increases as income declines. This study’s original dataset, which includes 227 elections for the chief executive in hegemonic party dictatorships from 1946 to 2004, and its case studies of defections in Zimbabwe under ZANU-PF in 2008 and Turkey under the Democratic Party in 1955 provide evidence for this proposition.

Despite the fact that China has historically symbolized an “Oriental” pattern of power-property relations, with everything in the country belonging to a sovereign ruler, this has been changing over the last 35 years. Steadily and voluntarily the state is ceding control of property to different social groups. This process entails several problems: legal vacuum engenders rent-oriented behavior of bureaucracy, reforms often turn out to be half-way and cannot solve a problem. Nevertheless, the process seems to be irreversible and likely to foster political and social changes in China in the near future.

Testimony analyses the emerging importance of Latin America and the Caribbean relative to the security of the United States. Author highlights that relations between the United States and the region of Latin America are related to the USA’s investments and trade as well as to a whole range of problems such as terrorists, crime and refugees. According to the author there are four fundamental challenges in Latin America and the Caribbean: organized crime, Islamic radicalism, Russia and China. The author examines in detail these challenges and analyses their infl uence in the region on the United States. Furthermore, the author stresses that the USA should take necessary measures and develop further strategy to improve the relations with Latin-American countries.

The article examines trends and prospects for political development of the leading states in the developing world. The author analyses the factors which encourage the rise of new centers of power, as well as trends and prerequisites of their emergence in such regions as Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. In the post- Cold War international system the emergence of neo-imperial integrative centers in the developing world is more probable, given such factors as authoritarian political regimes in the leading developing countries, inconsistent and fragmented modernization, increased multi-polarity in international relations, scarce natural resources and expansion of technologies. The main characteristics of political relations in Sub-Saharan Africa are authoritarianism, political instability, the use of violence and the sacred political power. These features as well as a high level of competition for natural resources increasingly foster the emergence of neo-imperial formations by external forces, relying on the most aggressive authoritarian regimes, or by the leaders of African development (above all, South Africa). The statehood of Latin American countries looks more mature than that of Sub-Saharan Africa; the US infl uence in the region Is likely to be decisive again for its political development. Nevertheless, intensifying integration in Latin America coupled with further economic fragmentation and political instability might lead to the establishment of neo-imperial associations around the main centers of power in the region. Thus, the imperial paradigm has the potential to be realized in the policy of some states in the both regions. Amid increasing political infl uence of the considered countries and their consolidating dominance, subordinate position of the peripheral regions and states to the regional powers turns out to be a reality.

The article discusses the various types of nationalism in Moldova through the prism of methodological constructivism. The author distinguishes such types of nationalism as a nationalism of minorities. the new nationalism of nationalizing State and the nationalism of external national homelands to which minorities belong, or may consider themselves as belonging on cultural foundations, as well as nationalism immigrants. The author demostates their interweaving and interaction, as well as a position in the political process of the country.

The Russian population of Tajikistan has traditionally played a prominent role in political, economic, cultural and scientifi c development of the country despite the fact that Russian diaspora has always lacked consolidation. However the collapse of the USSR was followed by increasing deprivation of the Russians insofar as they adapt slowly to a new political and socio-economic system of Tajikistan, feel discriminated, are classifi ed as “poor” and tend to migrate to Russia. According to the author, the problem of the Russians in Tajikistan is a part of a broader “Russian problem of the XXIth century” and stresses the necessity to develop a national policy strategy of Russia.

This article provides an analysis of the situation in Afghanistan during the Obama administration functioning in 2009-2013. The authors assess the effectiveness of the military aspect in Obama’s strategy by using two methods: quantitative event-analysis and regression analysis. In drawing conclusions, the authors used their own empirical database. The article suggests and justifi es the thesis that there is no seasonality in opposition forces’ actions. Besides, the authors use quantitative methods to assess the effectiveness of the military aspect of the NATO strategy and reveal several unconventional tendencies of the Afghan confl ict.