This issue of the Comparative Politics Russia journal is devoted to the consideration of one of the most relevant topics in the theory of international relations and political science - the analysis of political processes in the East. Recent years have marked a pronounced and dynamic trend of geopolitical and geo-economic ascent of the East, whose successes shade the contradictory trajectories of evolution of other geopolitical zones. At the same time, the concept of the East is not a strict definition, but rather a metaphor covering a vast and extremely heterogeneous zone, which is not a consolidated continent, but rather an archipelago, the constituent elements of which bear little resemblance to each other.

The purpose of the research is to identify and analyze international legal norms applicable to the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas resources in the Arctic, as well as trends of their development. The objectives of the research include the analysis of international legal norms that determine the status of the Arctic, legal features arising from differences in the status of some Arctic territories, differences in the approaches of Arctic and non-Arctic states, the European Union, as well as the identification of legal vectors of international legal regulation that are significant for oil and gas activities in the Arctic.

The article highlights the trends in the development of international legal regulation of general priority issues and sectoral aspects of activities in the Arctic. The authors revealed the meaning and features of multilateral and bilateral international treaties of the Russian Federation, advisory acts of the Arctic Council applicable to oil and gas activities in the Arctic.

The authors identified contradictions between the oil and gas aspects of the Arctic concept of the European Union of 2021 and jurisdictional and natural resource principles and rules provided for in international treaties and customs. The authors formulated proposals that can be used by Russia as international legal counterarguments proving the illegality of the EU’s stated goal to prohibit oil and gas production in the Arctic.

The article focuses on the analysis of legal technique which is used recently by the European Union when administering of the sanctions’ regime against legal persons, organizations and/or their bodies re: the Russian Federation. Attention is drawn on the analysis of the corresponding ill-defined legal terminology within the context of the declared objectives of legal regulations pertaining to the imposition, and the application, of the sanctions’ restrictions.

The article discusses the public diplomacy potential to reduce the socio-cultural threats of the border regions located on the western borders of Russia. The key problem in the context of the deep transformation of the post-Soviet socio-cultural landscape is that at the level of cross-border interaction, public diplomacy acquires a special meaning and significant potential. The socio-cultural proximity of local and ethnic communities of the border region significantly increases the opportunities for public diplomacy in the format of cultural exchange. Acting as a tool for achieving the global goals of the state’s foreign policy, public diplomacy can be used in the practice of resolving international conflicts and threats. For the first time, the results of sociological diagnostics of the readiness of the border territories population to participate in the implementation of public diplomacy projects, awareness of the forms of public diplomacy and the possibilities of participation in such projects and major international programs implemented in the regions, as well as the effectiveness of non-profit organizations of border regions implementing projects in the field of public diplomacy are presented. The article explores the specification of the directions and forms of public diplomacy at the regional level in the cross-border interaction of the Eurasian Union, the importance of the development of twinning relations for border cities is noted, the importance of the practice of public diplomacy, both at the level of non-profit organizations and in the form of cross-border communication of the population to reduce various socio-cultural threats inherent in the border area is emphasized. The close attention is paid to the interaction of cultures and ethnic groups of border regions, once unified ethno-cultural communities separated by state borders. The authors touch upon the socio-cultural threats of the frontier space – an invisible spatial area within which the common ethno-cultural identity of the population extends beyond the state borders. In the final part of the article the conclusions are presented on the main results and recommendations that will not only increase the effectiveness of public diplomacy projects in the border regions, but also concentrate the activities of its main actors on reducing socio-cultural threats characteristic of the western borderlands of Russia.

The article analyses socio-humanitarian international cooperation, known as "twinning," among cities in the Arkhangelsk region spanning from 1988 to 2023. Leveraging the concept of paradiplomacy, the authors examine twinning relations, highlighting key stages, forms, and spheres of this international cooperation using the comparative historical method. By employing the problem-chronological method, the authors trace the formation and changes in these relations. The study utilizes the system-structural method to analyse the socio-humanitarian dimension. The article establishes that twinning cooperation promotes mutual understanding and trust, establishing socio-economic and humanitarian ties, and acts as one of the drivers for developing these cities. Nonetheless, the authors note that the twinning relations of the Arkhangelsk region are facing a crisis due to the impact of COVID-19, the special military operation, and the sanctions against Russia.

The article examines the changes taking place in the Taliban movement, in comparison with various episodes from Afghan history including their dependence on Pakistan, issues of fragmentation and consolidation in the movement itself. A comparative analysis of the Taliban’s commitment to various interpretations of Islam and Sharia in the 1990s and after their second rise to power in 2021 is carried out. The author analyzes the dynamics of changes in the Taliban’s policy in the field of interethnic relations, as well as the problems of their inclusion in the life of Afghan society. The relationship between the Taliban movement and international terrorist groups is also examined. The author draws attention to the stereotypical views regarding the Taliban, which are widespread in the world and prevent an objective assessment of this phenomenon.

Since the end of the Cold War the relations between South Korea and Japan have developed in a non-linear manner. The most recent period is no exception. Following the cooling, witnessed since 2017, there has been a warming between the two countries, largely due to a qualitative change in Seoul’s policy towards Tokyo when Yoon Suk Yeol’s administration came to power in May 2022. The advances in the DPRK’s nuclear missile program as well as China’s assertive military policy began to push South Korea towards closer security cooperation with Japan. The internal political dynamics in the Republic of Korea, including the growth of anti-Chinese sentiment, the disappointment with the ‘soft’ policy towards the DPRK pursued by the previous ‘progressive’ administration, as well as the personal ambitions of the new president contributed to the warming of relations with Japan. Washington’s activity also played a role, as it tried to ‘reconcile’ its allies and intensify their military and political cooperation within the US – Japan – South Korea triangle. Analyzing the series of summits held in 2023 between the leaders of the Republic of Korea and Japan, the author comes to conclusion that the two states put their historical grievances aside and gave priority to establishing close bilateral and trilateral (including the United States) cooperation, primarily in the fields of international politics and security. For the first time since the end of the Cold War, Japan and South Korea began to actively strengthen their military and political ties, not only on the anti-North Korean, but also on the anti-Chinese and the anti-Russian basis.

The article is consecrated to exploring the genesis and specific features of the Saudi political system, viewed as a variant of nationhood model, that was shaped in the 20th century in the Arab world and appeared to be in the grip of crisis over the second and third decades of the 21st century. The research is based on a hybrid historic-politological methodology that permits to trace the genesis and evolution of the political system throughout a protracted period in retrospect. The source base of a historic research section is made up of documents compiled by Soviet diplomats as well as diplomatic records of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which detail the steps undertaken by Ibn Saud with the aim of setting up the institutes of political power in the Kingdom and defining its administrative and territorial structure. Drawing on these documents, the politological section of this article identifies three clusters of elements pertinent to the Saudi political model: a universal cluster, whose analogues can be found in the history of diverse state formations, an Arab-Muslim cluster, which is in correlation with the appropriate political culture, and an Arabian one. Other examples are revealed, where the above elements of nationhood have played a crucial role. The Saudi specificity, as shown herein, embraces both traditional and contemporary elements of statehood. A thesis is advanced by the authors regarding the existence of a specifically Arabian model underlying the genesis of a multicomponent state, also the ramifications of such genesis for the development of political system are laid out.

The article aims to reflect the approaches of the Indian authorities and business to the Ukrainian crisis and cooperation with Russia in the context of anti-Russian sanctions after February 2022. The analysis is based on a dataset of Indian press, broadcasting statements by Indian officials and business representatives on cooperation with Russia, as well as an assessment of Indian companies’ behavior in the Russian market after the start of the Special Military Operation. The analysis showed that, while representatives of the Indian authorities are inclined to perceive Russia’s actions with restrained criticism, Indian business is striving to take advantage of the opportunities that the “sanctions war” has opened up for them in the Russian and other foreign markets.

The Arab Spring that began in Tunisia in 2010 quickly spread throughout the Middle East, fueling protests in many countries of the region, including Libya and Syria. While in Libya the UN Security Council supported NATO’s military intervention against the Gaddafi regime, the Syrian case caused disparity in views, with Russia and China vetoing the Western countries’ attempt to intervene in the conflict and topple Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad. The US intention to intervene directly in the Syrian civil war, triggered by the 2013 chemical weapons crisis, was successfully halted by Russian diplomatic efforts. Yet, the rising threat of terrorism in Syria and Iraq prompted the establishment of the US-led Global coalition against Daesh/ISIS, which conducted airstrikes in 2014, forcing Assad, who at that time had lost control over a significant part of Syria’s territory, to appeal to Russian President Vladimir Putin for assistance. As a result, Russia began its counterintervention in Syria to support Assad’s struggle to remain in power, fight terrorism and regain control of the country. This article discusses US and Russian objectives in the Syrian crisis, the limited results of the US-led military intervention and the success of the Russian counterintervention.

In recent years, the popularity of the word mercenary and the acronym PMCs (private military company) has increased in scientific and public discourses, which a number of experts associate with the changing world order. The article seeks to identify the reasons for the use of mercenary military force by international actors. The author proceeds from the fact that the fundamental reasons of the mercenary-customer partnership, remain unchanged and are not subject to changes occurring both within States and in the international system. These reasons originate from the imperfections of the military apparatus, which are referred to in the article as "flaws". The author identifies 3 levels of flaws: political, organizational and executive. The political level represents the risks associated with the use of military force for the decision-maker. Hired military force is used to hedge such risks. Problems of the organizational level can be seen in various features of the preparation of a military operation and are often associated with the limitations or slowness of the bureaucratic apparatus. The advantage of a private contractor is greater flexibility. Executive-level problems stem from the inefficiency of the armed forces in carrying out specific combat tasks. Mercenaries often have unique skills and embrace innovations faster than the public sector. Despite the fact that more specific reasons for the use of mercenary military force may depend on the characteristics of the historical period and the political system, the three-level classification of flaws is applicable both over the entire time period and in the vast majority of spheres, including cyberspace.

On the eve of the First Russia-Africa Summit in the fall of 2019, the Russian infospace for the first time started talking about new opportunities for Africa. The African theme became increasingly important with the start of the special military operation in Ukraine in February 2022, the subsequent adoption of the new Concept of Russian Foreign Policy of 2023 and the actualization of Russia's contacts with the so-called Global South. Contemporary Africa is not a continent of threats, as was commonly said a decade ago, but of opportunities. The very identity of more and more states on the African continent is growing. Many of them continue to build their capacities at the expense of their rapidly growing young populations. At the same time, against the backdrop of the emerging global scramble for Africa's raw materials and new attempts at resource colonization and fragmentation, the continent needs honest partners focused on a pragmatic but mutually beneficial approach. In this context, Russia actively advocates strengthening the sovereignty and development of the national economies of the continent, using the "two-way street" concept. The Russia-Africa Summits (in 2019 and 2023) marked a new milestone in Russia-Africa relations and led to concrete practical results: the establishment of new contacts and the strengthening of trust and mutual interest of representatives of political, business, scientific and cultural circles.

These and other topics were discussed by Lora Chkoniya, Junior Research Fellow (Institute for International Studies, MGIMO University), and Dr Irina Abramova, Director of the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Full Member of the RAS.

Book review: Popov V.V. (2023) From War To Peace: The Politics Of Practical Diplomacy. Moscow, Mgimo-University. 295 p.

2023 saw the publication of the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation Veniamin V. Popov’s memoirs. Dr Popov not only describes his life path from his fascination with the Arab world in his youth to becoming a diplomat and achieving high positions, but also pays attention to the most important political events and key trends in the development of international relations. The political history in the memoirs of the diplomat echoes episodes of his life, which enlivens the picture of events and makes the memoirs more evocative. The assessment of some historical figures given by Dr Veniamin Popov is also intriguing. The book can be interesting to a wide range of readers: from young diplomats, who can find a lot of useful advice for themselves, to prominent researchers, whose attention may be attracted by new details of historical events.