In the modern theory of international relations there are several fundamental problems, the discussion and comprehension of which, in fact, sets the trajectory of further development of theoretical schools. This article is devoted to one of such problems which is often defined as the problem of levels of analysis. At the initial stage of the scientific discussion, the levels of analysis were perceived as a research tool, the use of which does not limit or oblige the researcher. This tool made it possible to more clearly identify a group of determining factors of the behavior of international players. However, this interpretation of the levels of analysis turned out to be excessively static, which reduced the attractiveness of this tool for research. An important breakthrough was the idea of «weaker components» at different levels, which are more susceptible to influence from other levels of analysis. In the second stage of the discussion, as the studies of the inter-level and intra-level dynamics proceeded, it turned out that the most important aspect of the problem of levels of analysis is the content of interactions. And the identification of meaningful elements of interactions explicitly or implicitly implies an appeal to the issues of social epistemology and ontology, which has led to the identification of a new layer of contradictions and conceptual forks within the problem of levels of analysis. The third stage of the discussion on the problem of levels of analysis has only just begun with major contribution from constructivism. At the present stage, the problem of levels of analysis retains its significance for research methodology as well as for the epistemology and ontology of IR studies. The article summarizes the achievements and shortcomings of each stage of the scientific discussion on the problem of levels of analysis and offers some promising new areas for further theorizing.

   This article aims at analyzing the performance of international organizations in the sphere of peacemaking operations in the 2019-2020 years. During the detailed description of UN performance, the author concludes that every year the UN holds about 20 peacemaking operations with 180 000 persons involved. The main UN missions are situated in the African region. In general, the UN missions provide the region with stability and decrease confl ict. However, the region undergoes the consequences of COVID-19, which seems to be another option for the next peacemaking operations of the UN. Amid the performance of the UN, which is deeply involved in the peacemaking process, the measures of preventive diplomacy of OSCE do not look so successful. The level of confi dence between the states seems to be decreasing, which also results in the absence of regular reports on the military expenditure of states – members of the Organization. Except for the crisis of confi dence, the tensions between Russia and Europe are likely to rise, which also negatively infl uences the dialogue between the countries, unsuccessful attempts to stabilize the situation in Ukraine, and the resurgence of confl ict in Nagorny Karabakh. Referring to the history of NATO peacemaking operations, the author states, that despite 3 peacemaking operations only, being a regional Organization, NATO attracted the most number of personnel involved in the peacemaking process. At the same time, the peacemaking is not the only purposes of the Organization. NATO is also involved in Mediterranean sea patrolling, staff training in Iraq, air monitoring in Ukraine. Among the members of the Organization the military expenditures are also rising. One of the reasons for such situation lies in the crisis of relations between Russia and its European partners. Being also a military organization, NATO seems to be using this crisis in its political goals and in such a way intensifying its infl uence on international arena. The following circumstances should be taken into consideration for building a proper political course of the State as well as holding effective political dialogue with its partners.

   The article is studying foreign approaches to the interpretation and realization of international humanitarian cooperation. Humanitarian cooperation is becoming one of the effective mechanisms of foreign policy infl uence. Its interpretation itself sounds differently in Russian and foreign research. At the beginning of the article, the author considers the methodological foundations of the study, namely, based on academic publications of foreign researchers involved in the development of the concept of humanitarian / cultural cooperation, a brief description of humanitarian cooperation is given, with its defi nition and transformation of the meaning of the term. Further, the author identifi es the following approaches to the defi nition and realization of humanitarian cooperation in foreign political and diplomatic practice: universal, regional, statist. Based on the analysis of documents of international organizations (UNESCO, Council of Europe, European Union, ASEAN, African Union, etc.), as well as of several countries (France, Italy, USA), the main approaches to the study and realization of this type of interstate interaction are highlighted. The choice of countries is determined by the fact that they possess offi cially published documents regarding their international humanitarian cooperation strategy. In addition, France is a “pioneer” in the formation of a united European cultural policy; 40 % of UNESCO's cultural heritage sites are concentrated in Italy; the USA is a theoretical and methodological pioneer of the concept of “soft power” and public diplomacy, with which humanitarian cooperation is inextricably linked. The article concludes that in international discourse, humanitarian cooperation is one of the effective tools of “soft power” and includes such areas as: culture, science, education, sports, youth issues, which is more consistent with the Russian interpretation of this type of international interaction, but at the same time, the international discourse uses the concept of “cultural cooperation” in the majority of cases to determine such interaction. In conclusion, the author's classifi cation of foreign approaches to international humanitarian cooperation is proposed.

   Clean energy transition in the EU opens up wide investment opportunities for innovative international entrepreneurship. However, the non-linearity of the energy transition, as well as the multi-level and complex nature of the transformation process, implies tackling economic and legal challenges. To examine such challenges in detail, an analysis of three international investment arbitration cases that were brought in for resolution by transnational energy companies against the European Union is carried out using the comparative methodology and taking the example of Germany as the leader of the EU energy transition. Having done the comparative review, the conclusion is drawn that rapid changes in legislation due to the logic of the energy transition process may lead to violation of the legitimate expectations of investors in ensuring a stable and predictable legal regime. Thus, the credibility of the EU states to provide a predictable and stable legal regime for international investors is under scrutiny.

   Central Asia’s pivotal geographical position allowed it to play an essential role in relations among nations of Eurasia in the Middle Ages as the bridge between China and Europe. Yet, during the Russian and then the Soviet rule in Central Asia, the region’s republics had no independent position in international relations as foreign affairs was formed and managed by the central government in Moscow. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 made salient the geopolitical, economic, and cultural importance of the fi ve former Soviet Central Asian republics. They reemerged as independent actors in the global interstate system and could have played a signifi cant role in international affairs during the last three decades. The article aims to discuss the Central Asian region's position in the Soviet and post-Soviet eras. It explores how Central Asia as a “closed” region during the Soviet period changed its geopolitical position and became an infl uential actor in global affairs.In addition, the article addresses factors that have played important role in globalizing Central Asia.

   The world system is undergoing a period of transformation and refragmentation, the disintegration of a single political space into spheres of infl uence formed by the great powers. India, which forms such a sphere around itself, is faced with the problem: a serious economic and military lag behind China, trying, following the ideas
of the Indian elites, to achieve hegemony in Southeast and South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. To fend off these attempts, India has put forward two concepts: Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) and the Indo-Pacifi c Oceans Initiative (IPOI). The article is devoted to the analysis of the problems that New Delhi is trying to solve with the help of these concepts, and the consideration of the very process of their implementation. The author notes that both SAGAR and IPOI are not developed strategic documents, but a type of ‘vision’ typical for Indian foreign policy discourse. At the same time, the active assistance provided by India to the countries of the Indian Ocean region within the framework of SAGAR demonstrates that India
perceives these countries as part of its sphere of infl uence and is trying to tie them to itself both politically and economically. On the contrary, the concept of ITOI aims to form partnerships and informal alliances with ASEAN countries and Australia. The author believes that Indian regional concepts are of interest to Russia, allowing it to use the Indian experience and to participate in Indian initiatives.

 

   The paper is dedicated to the key methodological problems of international and regional studies and the prospects for the formation of a unifi ed, «seamless» methodology. The author's refl ections are illustrated by examples from the collective monograph, ed. by Alexei D. Voskressenski “The Logic of the New World Architectonics and the Strategies of the Powers” (2021). At the fi rst stage, the question of the levels of analysis in international studies is investigated with a special emphasis on the systemic level, as well as the practical diffi culties of decomposition of international political situations, taking into account the high density of social ties. The applied value of network analysis and event analysis is shown. The phenomenon of transregionalism, which is of great importance for international economic relations, is considered from a network point of view. Methodological tools for the analysis of trans-regional institutions are presented as well. Much attention is paid to the organismic concept of the general theory of the system and its adaptation to the IR system. The practical use of this concept in organizing situational analyzes of international processes is shown. The regional level of analysis and the place of the “middle-level powers” in the world system are revealed through the prism of an agent-structural “matryoshka” (nested model) – agent-structural problem at different levels of
analysis. The limits and possibilities of application of the complexity theory in the analysis of IR are explored. Special attention is paid to the concept of complex interdependence of R. Keohane and J. Nye, which, according to the author, adequately refl ects modern IR and is the key to understanding the formation of zones of infl uence of great powers in world politics. Finally, the work reveals the normative component of IR theory and shows an increasing popularity of non-Western IR theories in the last few years. The normativity in regional studies is explored as well and particular cases of the application of non-Western approaches in regional studies are shown. The necessity of integration of non-Western approaches to IR theory and regional research is declared.

   The article discusses the problematic, questions and presents an analysis of the problems, raised in the book “The Logic of the New World Architectonics and the Strategies of the States”.

   After gaining sovereignty in 1991, the ideas of federalization were more or less present in the socio-political life of Ukraine at all stages of its development. This is a consequence and expression of the regionalism historically inherent in this country. However, despite the obvious presence of socio-cultural and economic regional differences, which allow us to draw parallels with such countries as Switzerland, Belgium, or Canada, where they were the objective basis of federalism, in Ukraine the federal principles of state structure were not implemented.

   The reasons for this are primarily related to the peculiarities of the internal political development of Ukraine, which predetermined the lack of real political and economic conditions for the implementation of the ideas of federalism in practice. In particular, all the leading political forces capable of advocating such a reform on a national scale have demonstrated their disinterest in the transition to a federal state system in various periods. The appeal to the ideas of federalism was for the most part a tool for mobilizing the electorate and became a convenient object for criticism from the Pro-Western and national-Patriotic political camp, which was especially evident during the «orange revolution» and in the subsequent period. It can also be stated that the basic ideas of federalism have not been consolidated at the level of mass consciousness in Ukraine. After 2014, the negative attitude towards of deralism has signifi cantly increased. In the context of the acute confl ict in the Donbas and the deep crisis of Russian-Ukrainian relations, the federalization of the country was presented by the ruling regime as a mechanism for destroying Ukrainian statehood, and calls for changing the state structure were actually criminalized. At the same time, due to the actualization of the manifestations of regionalism, certain elements of federalism were discussed in the framework of public discussions on the decentralization of the public administration system.

   The article focuses on cross-border cooperation of post-Soviet de facto states (Abkhazia, Donetsk, and Lugansk people’s republics, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and South Ossetia) from the early 1990s until 2021. The author argues that in the most of examined cases cross-border cooperation of post-Soviet de facto states is not particularly effective. It can be largely explained by de facto states’ complicated political relations with some adjacent recognized states, the illegitimacy of de facto borders for many potential partners, limited economic potentials of de facto states, perceiving them as a potential source of threats and instability even by friendly adjacent legitimate states, and over-centralized management of cross-border interactions by governments. Despite numerous problems, cross-border cooperation between post-Soviet de facto states and adjacent provinces of the relevant patron state (that is Russia) largely contributes to solving a de facto state’s survival problems in the domains of health care, communication, and economic development. It should be noted that Russia’s cooperation with those de facto states whose independence it has recognized is much more dynamic than cooperation with a non-recognized state. Cross-border cooperation between parent states and their “breakaway territories” is in its infancy in most cases. Relatively successful cooperation between Moldova and Transnistria can be considered as a partial exception but even in this case cooperation is periodically complicated with political contradictions. Finally, cross-border cooperation of a de facto state with a third country (Ukraine-Transnistria) is complicated with non-recognition and unfavorable political situation, while cooperation between two de facto states (between Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics) by hypercentralized governance in both republics.

   The publication represents a journal version of scientific and analytical material of the round table of the Center for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects, MGIMO University, and the ASEAN Center, MGIMO University. Research associates of the Center for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects, the Institute of Far Eastern Studies RAS, Primakov Institute of International Economic and International Studies RAS, the Institute of Asian and African Studies of Moscow State University, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the RF, peoples Friendship University, Society of Friendship and Cooperation with the Republic of Myanmar, Russian Council of International Affairs, the PIR-Center, etc. took part in the discussion and the preparation of the materials. Issues of the reasons and possible effects of a political overturn in Myanmar of 01.02.2021 for the political, military-political, social, and economic development of the country were revealed, lines of splits in the Myanmar society are analyzed, the possibility of impact of society on the state is explained. Interests of China, India, Japan, the USA, the ASEAN countries are considered, the role of events of Myanmar in the regional system of relationship and East, Southeast, and Southern Asia is analyzed. The role of other signifi cant players in the region, and also the value of events in Myanmar for Russia are discussed.

 

   In the “reform era” in Indonesia, political parties faced problems related to institutionalization, consolidating ideology, and sound platform. In addition, the party system in Indonesia is not yet compatible with the presidential system of government, so the government has not been effective. The study aims to identify the peculiarities of political parties and party systems in Indonesia developed during the reform era. The results showed that several factors made the level of party institutionalization not yet developed properly. First, the existing parties often experience draining and time-consuming confl icts so that there is no time to build the institutionalization of political parties. Second, party elites have not become party rules. And third, the party tradition that respects differences (democratic political culture) among party elites has not yet grown, elements of patrimonialism and even feudalism are still strong among
party elites.
   The article is a research response to publications: Is Non-Western Democracy Possible? A Russian Perspective. Ed. by Alexei D. Voskressenski. New Jersey, London, Singapore, Beijing, Shanghai, Hong Kong, Taipei, Chennai, Tokyo: World Scientifi c, 2017. 738 p.; Methodology and Praxis in Researching the Non-Western World: Dialogue between Alexei D. Voskressenski and Fred Eidlin as an Introduction to the Special Issue of “Comparative Politics Russia” // Comparative Politics Russia, 2019, No. 4, pp. 5-11.]; “Non-Western Transformations” (special issue) // Comparative Politics Russia, 2019, No. 4. (Ed.)