The articles looks at the trends in the development of think tanks in major Asian countries. It reviews the posture of the Asian think tanks in global ratings. It also looks at the literature on think tanks in theUSA, western and Asian countries. Despite the fact that the first think tanks appeared inAsiain the 1950’s, they did not turn into a politically significant force. The reasons are insufficient financial independence and shortage of skills. Asian think tanks are often preoccupied with research for corporations and government agencies that provide their funding. It negatively affects the ability of the think tanks to independently set the research agenda and express critical viewpoint. However, think tanks often provide valuable platforms for dialogue among experts that can be helpful during periods of deterioration of the political relations between countries. For instance, the role of Japanese and Russian think tanks as “track two” diplomacy actors was helpful particularly during the period of deterioration of Russia-Japan relations in 2014-2015. The article also looks at the development of the Asian think tank networks. Most of these networks were created in support of regional frameworks such as APEC, ASEAN Plus Three, ARF, etc. Asian think tank networks depend on a number of “core institutions” that regularly host events and ensure continuity of the agenda. The article then draws conclusions on the potential ofRussia’s influence on ideological and political processes in the Asia-Pacific region.

The article is devoted to the comparison of the military doctrines ofIndiaandPakistan; their bilateral relations greatly determine the existing balance of power in the region ofSouth Asiaand are marked with high level of tension and mutual mistrust. Since theIndependenceof the former members of the British Dominion in 1947 the sides consider each other as the main potential adversary. After nuclear tests conducted by both countries the conformation ofNew DelhiandIslamabadescalated to a new level, and the state of bilateral relations is a matter of reasonable concern all over the globe. The analysis of military doctrines ofIndiaandPakistangives every reason to think that, despite the aggressive and jingoish rhetoric of the sides, they are not ready for a full-scale war, and military warfare will be limited and short-term.

The 2008 global financial crisis has become a turning point for the world community to realize the necessity to reform international economic system and to allow greater participation of leading emerging economies in the global economic governance. Given the huge economic might that Chinahas accumulated and its willingness to assume greater international responsibilities and leadership functions, Chinacan be regarded as one of the countries that play a key role in the processes of reforming the international economic system and global economic governance. Contributing to the improvement of the existing rules, norms and institutions, Beijing at the same time offers to the world its new, China-centered initiatives, to name a few, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and “Belt and Road” Initiative. This article characterizes China’s participation in the reforming of the international economic system after the 1997 Asian financial crisis till the present time with the focus on identifying major forms of China’s participation, its motivations and efforts’ emphasis. By reviewing initiatives and measures that China offers, backs and conducts in order to bring changes into the international economic system and by analyzing Chinese leadership’s official rhetoric and foreign policy activities, the article concludes that Beijing has set a course to assume one of the key roles in the global economic governance and to create China-dominated system of international rules, norms and institutions..

This article is devoted to the analysis of the growing importance of the Eurasian direction in Japan's foreign policy, the causes and consequences of the duality and inconsistency of this policy, the influence of internal political reasons on Japan's alignment with its policy towards the Central Asian states. The process of building up a new system of Japan’s foreign policy behavior in Central Asiain this case has developed in a reactive as opposed to a proactive manner. Eurasian direction of Japan’s diplomacy demanded a serious revision because by the new project «One Belt, One Road», which is an unprecedented regional initiative of Beijing– the primary foreign policy opponent for Tokyo. The regional agenda of Tokyois also influenced by the new approaches of Donald Trump’s administration to the multilateral cooperation’s forms. Tokyo’s attempts to pursue its relations with the Central Asian states as a whole region and the Japan’s experience of using the dialogue «Central Asia plus Japan» as a promising model for the cooperation between non-regional actors and its Central Asia’s partners, are also of interest. In addition, the article deals with the preconditions for coordinating actions in the Eurasian direction between Japan and its friendly states, including Turkey and India, and the process of diversifying the economic partners of the Central Asian region as a whole. Since the reasons for the interest of the Central Asian states in the implementation of economic and other forms of cooperation with Tokyohave not lost their relevance, Russiacould be of significant value to Tokyo.

The article aims to analyze the PRC’s Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It provides initiative assessment: overview, conceptualization, institutionalization and key priorities. Three interconnected groups of objectives define BRI: China’s economic development goals, trade, investment policy and foreign policy. The BRI is set to provide stimulus to China’s development with new external and internal sources of economic growth amid ongoing China’s economic transformation, deal with structural problems, foster high-quality production and transition to innovative development model while upgrading its involvement into regional and global value chains. Chinapositions BRI as a new mega-project of regional integration with Chinaas its leader, capable of providing public goods. It aims to create alternative energy and transport routes, improve relations with neighboring countries, alleviate concerns over China’s rise in politics, security and economics and form positive sentiments in its neighborhood. The BRI has become a key dimension of China’s economic and foreign policy with a strategic goal to consolidate China’s periphery with economic means in the first place. The BRI has the potential to provide enormous stimulus to the development and integration of Asia and Eurasia, simultaneously determining the prospects of China’s becoming a dominant power in East Asia and Eurasia and realizing the ‘Chinese dream’.

Dynamics of political and trade relations betweenChina, ASEAN organization and its members, problems of regional geopolitics with regard to the conflict on features and resources ofSouth China Seaare analyzed. Since the second half of the 1990’s,Chinahas been consistently establishing relations of “strategic partnership” with individual ASEAN countries. The second decade of the 21st century witnessed a fundamental turnaround: all sides try to fix their economic interests in the region while political tensions increase gradually. Since 2013 following the promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative, a new round of tension began, in other words, intensive attempts to consolidate sovereignty over a resourceful and strategically important territory avoiding at the same time reduction of the volume of regional economic cooperation. In general, despite fluctuations,Chinaremains the main trade and economic partner for most ASEAN countries, therefore their ability to exercise political independence is significantly limited.

Territorial disputes in the South China Sea can be considered as one of the key conflictogenetic elements inSouth East Asiaand Asia Pacific Region. The existence of unsolved territorial disputes itself has a significant impact on the East Asian regional sub-system of international relations. Close economic interconnection betweenChinaand the regional countries, whichBeijingtries to use as a political instrument, makes the situation even more complicated. The article contains a brief analysis of the current condition of the long-standing conflict inSouth China sea, as well as its influence on the region and political processes in regional countries. The emphasis is made on the most important arguments of the involved parties and the evolution of their positions. A possibility for other states to join the conflict is also analyzed.

Koreais a country with strict anticorruption legislation. However, this cannot the only guarantee for the eradication of various types of corruption. Analyzing retrospectively the reasons for its functioning and its combating in theRepublicofKorea, there is a traditional system of social organization that in many ways provokes corruption. In different periods the presidents ofKoreaengaged in “personnel cleansing” in the civil service and conducted a strict anti-corruption policy. However, each of the heads ofKoreawas a victim of corruption scandals, although South Korean society is one of the most respectable and decent societies in the world. The use of harsh measures in this area makes it possible to identify the facts of participation in the corruption schemes of former and current assistants to the head of state, deputies from the ruling and opposition parties, representatives of business structures. As a result, the anti-corruption measures of the Korean government have a positive impact on the country's international image.

The Editorial Board of the journal Comparative Politics Russiapublishes the proceedings of the situation analysis devoted to the results of the analysis of the dynamics and the current state of Russian-Chinese relations. The leading Russian experts and researchers of the Center for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects of Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies (RISS), the Institute of Political and Military Analysis, the Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO), Higher School of Economics, Russian National Committee of BRICS discussed the current state and prospects of Russian-Chinese relations. They analyzed the issues of political power transformations in the PRC and changes in the 2018 Chinese political arena, a new stage of Russian-Chinese relations after March 2018 (presidential elections in Russia and constitutional amendments in China), the period of overestimated expectations of Russia from China after the Ukrainian crisis of 2013, and also as a whole, opportunities for transition to a new quality of bilateral long-term cooperation on the basis of pragmatism and mutual interests

The article analyzes the essence of the new strategic moment in the region and the influence of the “Chinese factor” on the situation inEurasiaand the AsiaPacific region. The author discusses the components of the “Chinese factor”, its practical consequences, as well as its foreign policy, military and political significance. The article shows how applied issues can be transformed into foreign policy and military doctrines, determine practical foreign and military policies, the system of international relations and political affairs in the region. The author briefly reviews the key aspects of regional doctrines of leading states in the region, makes assumptions about the possible evolution and modification of these doctrines in the future and formulates the conditions that might determine the practical steps of the regional powers. The article also assesses the possibility of emergence of new Pacific strategies in the region and examines their main parameters.

The 2008 global financial crisis has become a turning point for the world community to realize the necessity to reform international economic system and to allow greater participation of leading emerging economies in the global economic governance. Given the huge economic might that China has accumulated and its willingness to assume greater international responsibilities and leadership functions, China can be regarded as one of the countries that play a key role in the processes of reforming the international economic system and global economic governance. Contributing to the improvement of the existing rules, norms and institutions, Beijing at the same time offers to the world its new, China-centered initiatives, to name a few, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and “Belt and Road” Initiative. This article characterizes China’s participation in the reforming of the international economic system after the 1997 Asian financial crisis till the present time with the focus on identifying major forms of China’s participation, its motivations and efforts’ emphasis. By reviewing initiatives and measures that China offers, backs and conducts in order to bring changes into the international economic system and by analyzing Chinese leadership’s official rhetoric and foreign policy activities, the article concludes that Beijing has set a course to assume one of the key roles in the global economic governance and to create China-dominated system of international rules, norms and institutions.

Chinahas altered its global posture from “keeping a low profile” to “striving for achievement” since President Xi came to power. The adjusted approach to Chinese foreign policy is in the context of growing China’s state capabilities and shrinking American global leadership under Trump’s presidency. Given these structural changes in the international system, Chinais expected to play a bigger role in the world politics. Accordingly, questions have raised that how Chinaperceives the world and whether rising Chinais a reformist or revisionist power. The paper would address these questions by first revisiting the ancient Chinese idea of Tianxia, which is both a concept and practice in ancient times. As Tianxia is not applicable in the modern world, the concepts are reinvented by Chinese scholars, which are similar to ideas proposed by President Xi, offering an ideal worldview. In the third part, an empirical analysis of the Chinese foreign policy would check whetherChina’s behaviors correspond to Xi’s vision and whetherChina is a revisionist power.

Book Review: Hayes, J. Constructing National Security:U.S.Relations withIndiaandChina.CambridgeUniversityPress,2013. 211 p.