Abstract: Throughout the last two decades the scale of interparliamentary cooperation has grown substantially and such cooperation becomes increasingly institutionalised. The current article studies existing approaches to the structuration of the widening field of interparlaimentary organisations and international parliamentary assemblies and proposes its own complex classification.

Abstract: The article examines interrelationship between traditional national sovereignty and autonomy in Internet reflected in the presence of the national domain. Moreover the author analyses existing misbalances in substantive filling of national domains, testifying various levels of stateness in virtual political space.

Abstract: When discussing the role of states in the world system, the conventional wisdom among scholars means different configurations of relations between leading states, i.e. the system of international relations. Such approach was fully grounded in the past, but in present-day conditions it is not only the place of the state in international relations system that counts, but also its place in the modern world political system, which includes also non-Westphalian states and their critical mass exceeds that of the Westphalian ones. The article suggests that a different approach has to be used and the research of leading states has to be replaced by the study of states within the broader framework of the world political system. In this view it is not only an individual state but the whole system being challenged today, thus it needs to be determined how the states so different in nature can coexist in one political system and whether a radical restructuring of the system should be expected.

Abstract: The processes of fragmentation (regionalization and localization) and globalization turn the state as the basic system forming element of the state-centric world political system into the component of the world political network. The political relations between actors of the world political network are ruled by the effectiveness and not by legitimacy (“victory rules”), what is different from the participatory principles of interstate relations (“participation rules”) accepted by the Westphalian state system. The article argues that the post-Westphalian world political system will witness the clashes between victory rules and participation rules and their eventual coexistence since the very nature of the victory rules hinders its institutionalization, consolidation and legitimation. The article suggests that the new system of state relations regardless of the name will be not less Westphalian than the preceding one thus new participation rules will have to be formulated and codified.

Abstract: The relationship between central and local government are the result of a long evolution of political, state and social systems. In each country they have their own specific logic and development. Decentralization is one of the main components of administrative reform in many countries, was aimed at improving governance, including through the development and more fully realization of the local government’s potential. Leading European countries have developed various theoretical and practical approaches that have become a reference for other countries.

Abstract: In the XIX century the theory of the power balance grounded on the equality of all sovereign states was becoming obsolete. The representative of three “secular religions” (nationalists, socialists and liberals) questioned the rationality of the existing model ousting the traditional theory of power balance in international relation. In the second half of XIX and beginning of XX century official foreign policies of European cabinets were still based on the power balance theory, though the essence of the balance was changed as the balance policy was more often expressed in rivalry and mutual concessions of powers. The article argues that before the First World War the principles of power politics led to the increased dependency from military potential thus the military might became the most important measure of national greatness, what eventually destroyed the classic European power balance system.

Abstract: Germany, Great Britain and France stated their interests in Central Asia immediately after the disintegration of USSR. In 1994 and 1995 the policies of the leading European countries towards Central Asia stressed the restraining of Russia’s neo-imperial ambitions in the post-soviet space and the support of economic independence of Central Asian states. As of late 1990s the regional policies prioritized fighting the drug threat and after September 11, 2001 — the terrorism threat. The article reveals specific interests and country priorities of the leading European states in Central Asia and the differences in the general approach to the region and in the actual policies including the amounts of resources spent. The author argues that Germany occupies the most solid place in Central Asia due to a set of political, economic, military and humanitarian interests, though in general the regional policies of Germany, Great Britain and France lack any particular interests and standpoints, that could hinder the formation of the joint EU policy in the region.

Abstract: Evolution of the U.S. strategy towards Central Asia in the second half of the 2000s was defined greatly by the development of the war in Afghanistan. However, since the middle of the decade the course of its implementation depended on the necessity to compensate or overcome consequences of the deterioration of the U.S. relations with Uzbekistan.

Abstract: At the end of 2000-s, regional relations between China and Central Asian states was under threat of the current World Financial Crisis. But it also provided the impetus to search for new mechanisms, forms and directions of the regional cooperation. It marks China’s new development plan for Xinjiang after ten years of Western Development Strategy of the central government.

Abstract: Changes in Soviet policy in 1940s exerted substantial impact on the dynamics of the Uighur separatist movement. The author claims that nuanced approach towards relations with the coalition government of the Xinjiang and specific districts of the province was generated to serve both strategic and economic interests of the USSR.

Abstract: In accordance with its economic interests, China advances coherent policy for development of transport infrastructure both on its own territory and in neighbouring countries. Throughout the last two decades it facilitated the widening trade activity and broader economic cooperation between Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and Central Asian states. Its further development foresees a network of Trans-Eurasian links, which will connect China not only with all nearby countries, but with European region as well.

Abstract: The article explores the roots and current state of religious extremism in Central Asia, as well as investigates its connections with the global salafi movement. It evaluates attempts of the regional players and external stakeholders to address the existing threats, and provides recommendations for their advancement.