Education and science becomethe key realms of innovational reforms in theeconomic, legal and political arenas. Thekey to success in formulating national policyin the sphere of education and science liesin the professional combination of the generallaws and the country’s own specificity inthe modernization of the traditional knowledgegaining methods, its reproduction anddevelopment in the educational and researchprocesses. Technological and social innovationsare connected, social innovations determinethe ways of formulating the policiesin the technological, innovational and scientificpolicy areas. The article concludesthat there is a need for developing competitivemechanisms of support for social innovations,which give way to technological innovationand their diffusion, which leads tothe decrease of differentiation. The diffusionof social and technological innovations becomesthe task of the ripe foreign policy.

One of megatrends of the 21st century is establishment of the new world order. Within this megatrend we can distinguish some trends that require special attention. Among them are the following: at the global level: formation of a new international system among a bigger new group of leading world powers (great powers) that are dramatically different in their characteristics; at the macroregional level: formation of new subsystems with core-countries; at the regional level: redistribution of influence between regional powers within big subsystems like transatlantic or possible transpacific subsystems. In the following paper we shall analyze some trends that take place, paying special attention to a Eurasian subsystem “Small Eurasia” that includes most of the former Soviet republics (excluding the Baltic States).

The first decade of the third millennium has witnessed the formation of newly forged associations, a substantial growth of regional organizations, an upsurge in their activity and also their increasing adaptability to globalization processes. A keen interest to participate in such regional alliances has been displayed by nations representing diverse structural systems, differing sizes of economy and various natural, economic, human and military potentials. Among these are both developed and developing states, great powers, neighboring states as well as those located on separate continents (India-Brazil-South Africa, Brazil-Russia-India-China-plus South Africa). The same state may decide to join one or several regional and sub-regional organizations as well as non-institutionalized groups. India has participated in such organizations and associations as SCO, SAARC, RIC, BIMSTEC and BRICS. Indian participation in the activities of regional and global organizations does not damage its independent foreign policy; its growing assertiveness as a world economic power occupies a special place in global politics. India determines its foreign policy and its relations with other world powers, with developed and developing countries alike, based on its national interests

The article summarizes the causes of structural inadequacy of national politics treating it as one of subsystems of post-modern society. These include complex challenges to national politics, acceleration, problems of representative democracy and attempts to define politics by irrelevant aspects. The author concludes that politics is now in the survival mode and the debate on “the end of politics” is unavoidable.

The article deals with the notion of political struggle and its purpose, direction, and forms, which are pursued through parliamentary channels, revolutionary means or guerrilla (national liberation) movements. The author separates fight for breaking the dominating social and economic system and competition between political groupings within the existing formation. He analyses both examples of lawful political competition and actions going beyond legal field. He also mentions that widely discussed hypothesis of disappearance of revolutions ignores remaining social tensions, which even grow due to the development of globalization.

The article is based on research on civil society in Russia conducted for the Committee of Civil Initiatives by the Centre of Political Technologies in June-July 2013. It compares the Western model of civil society with its understanding in non-Western nations. The author analyses historical evolution of the Russian society and provides assessment of its current standing. He concludes that non-governmental organisations and civil activities in Russia develop under conditions of low mutual trust among the population and between society and state. The lack of trust of governmental bodies to civil initiatives is clearly reflected in the latest legislation on “foreign agents”. The remaining unfavourable conditions are likely to continue to hinder progress of Russian civil society for the years to come. The foundation for the research created the data from surveys, in-depth interviews and group discussions.

The article presents interface between ideas justifying Russian polity and efforts to implant those ideas into actual history of the country, particularly during the last century. Contradictory effects of those efforts are acknowledged and paradoxical results acclaimed. Still it also recognized that maturing richness of Russia’s perception alongside the mounting institutional density of its politics propels further prospects for its development.

The author analyzes the process of the formation of the political elite of theRepublicofLithuaniaafter the collapse of theSoviet Unionin the light of the growing presence of representatives of business in ruling circles. The influence of people from the business community in the political process is described through the concept of “inner circles”. The article claims, that although in the beginning of the 1990s the political life inLithuaniawas dominated by intellectuals, representing Humanities and artistic elite, through time business increased its impact on political process not only directly entering political establishment, but also through other channels, including sponsorship of parties.

The present material introduces a piece of information about the RussianElectionTechnologiesTrainingCenterun182 der the CEC ofRussiasociological forecasts’ competitions, organized during the State Duma of Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation deputies’ elections on December 4, 2011 and the President of the Russian Federation elections on March 4, 2012. Some legal aspects of sociological services’ activity within domestic electoral process, including the organization of so-called exit polls are enlightened. A number of theoretical approaches and methodological problems during forming electoral forecasts are reviewed in short. The author denotes a high interest of expert and sociological organizations into the domestic electoral sphere. The article is supplied with the necessary illustrative graphics.

Islam in the Caucasus cannot be described in black and white colors as official and non-official, traditional and non-traditional Islam. Islam is now playing a more distinctive role in the social and political life of the republics in the North Caucasus. However, its role in the conflicts cannot be explained by Islam itself which plays the role of disguise for the real reasons of the conflicts. The article examines strengthening of Islam on the Caucasus, as well as its globalization, and politization and the rise of jihadism. It analyses complex relations among its many different forms and schools.