Addressing (the question of) a new diplomacy for the 21st century, Alan Henrikson reflects philosophically and historically upon a shift that may be occurring from the sovereign State, with ambassadors serving as formal representatives of entire nations, to the autonomous Self, with individual persons, employing social media, being able to represent themselves, and their group concerns, to the world. Will the Leviathan of Thomas Hobbes be replaced by the Facebook social graph as the pattern for the next world order? The traditional institutions of diplomacy—and professional diplomats—are being challenged, are now adapting, and are still vital to the making and carrying out of the international agreements needed if global issues are to be resolved.

Abstract. This article focuses on the general analysis of the present situation along the Eurasian Arc of Instability, as well as comparison of geopolitical processes simultaneously going on its western and eastern flanks. Currently, the Eurasian Arc of Instability for the first time in the history stretches from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean and has numerous offshoots, which like the tentacles entangle countries and regions trapped in its sphere of influence, plunging them into the abyss of a long-term controlled destabilization. The fundamental geopolitical contradictions between the global and regional actors in Eurasia provide a permanent upgrade of this “Bickford fuse” and its “burning” in the direction from west to east. 

China’s rise to prominence in the international community following the end of the Cold War, the growth in economic power and population numbers project that China will become the leading world power within several decades, regardless of the course its government takes. The article aimes to contribute to answering the question whether this rise will be peaceful through a comparative analysis of resolved and unresolved territorial disputes between China and groups of neighbouring states between 1986 and 2013. While previous studies have focused rather exclusively on Chinese behaviour, this text will examine both sides of the dispute and the behavior of the parties in light of regional dynamics. 

The article claims that cultural and historical ties between Russia and Serbia have crucial effect on their political interactions. The author highlights continuity of the special relations between the two countries. From this perspective the articles assesses prospects available for Post-Communist countries, including Serbia related to the Eurasian integration initiative presented by Moscow. While starting from the beginning of 1990s Belgrad could have associated its development entirely with the West and with the European Union primarily, today it could also attempt to join Russian initiatives. This option will enable this country to avoid the loss of its sovereignty. The article heavily relies on sociological studies, including results of opinion surveys conducted in several Post-Communist countries. Moreover, it examines statements of Russian and Serbian politicians. 

Russian IR theory faces many difficulties including underdevelopment of empiric research and overall abstract approach of theoretic studies. The article suggests to reconsider the development of the Russian IR theory in order to face the new economic, political and ethno-cultural challenges. The formation of Russian IR theory is still underway, and it is characterized by contradictions and the presence of mutually exclusive universalist and isolationist approaches. The article raises the question of overcoming the extreme approaches in the IR theory through reducing the gap between the teaching of IR and Russian political thought. The article concludes that the development of IR in Russia requires deep knowledge of its intellectual roots, thus the study of the Russian political thought becomes the necessity. 

The article examines the content, forms, methods, means energy diplomacy of Russia and the EU. The author focuses on the increasing role of energy diplomacy in the implementation of energy plans and the foreign policy interests of the Russian Federation and the EU. The article outlines structural variables, which create substantial preconditions for further strengthening of links between the two sides. Hence, it estimates potential for the increased Russia_EU cooperation in energy sphere as significant. 

The article focuses on the political, economic and legal imperatives of Poland’s policy in international energy markets. There are two different paradigms of interaction between Poland and Russia in the oil and gas sector. The co-operative model is implemented in the field of oil trade and characterized by long-term and mutually beneficial relations. The confrontational model is implemented in the field of natural gas trade and characterized by the presence of both rational and irrational imperatives in the development and implementation of energy policy. The construction of pragmatic cooperation between Russia and Poland in the field of natural gas trade requires the key problem of pricing to be resolved. 

In article examines forms of participation in law-making activity of prosecutor’s office of the Russian Federation, as well as activities of prosecutor’s offices and similar establishments of foreigncountries. Valid conclusion about prevalence in practice of the specified bodies of the foreign states of forms of considered activity applied by the Russian prosecutor’s office.