Abstract: The article examines today’s British soft power goals and objectives, analyses infl uencing factors, political and institutional aspects. The author focuses on the developing perspectives on the roles and participation of non-state actors soft power policies, the ways of measuring effectiveness of such policies. The author compares the approaches of British executive and legislative bodies towards the concept, brings examples of soft power initiatives in the United Kingdom foreign policy and determines specifi c features of the British initiatives in comparison with other countries.

Abstract: The article provides a comparative analysis of the leading EU-countries’ (Germany, France, Great Britain and Italy) national economic diplomacy systems in line with the following criteria: role and functions of key economic diplomacy agents; competences of subnational regions as independent foreign economic actors; practice and mechanisms of ‘inward’ and ‘outward’ economic diplomacy (attraction of foreign investments and export promotion respectively); HR-policy as well as the role of country leaders in economic diplomacy measures. The author outlines the country-specifi c features of the aforementioned systems alongside treats common to all of them.

Article retracted

Abstract: In Hungary and Slovakia during 2010-2015 there has been an increase in xenophobic attitudes in society; rightwing and extremist groups are activating there as well. The purpose of this article is to compare the most signifi cant factors which encourage xenophobia. Previously we have identifi ed the types of right-wing organizations and found out their electoral characteristics. We assume that the activities of right-wing extremist organizations infl uence the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary and Slovakia, which arise from the range of factors. In this article we used empirical data gained as a result of public opinion polls conducted by the leading research centers in Hungary and Slovakia, by international organizations, as well as statistics of public authorities and civil society institutions. By means of factor analysis, we identifi ed the main directions and forms of activity of right-wing radicals; determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of the country's development; characterized the attitude of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right-wing radicalism. Among the most infl uential factors we identifi ed: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority of the ethnic majority interests; parliamentary status of rightwing parties; condoning the activities of right-wing radicals by the ruling elite, the courts and the police. The comparison of factors stimulating xenophobic practices in Hungary and Slovakia didn’t confi rm the hypothesis of common signifi cant infl uence of the economic crisis, lack of education and political passivity on the formation of xenophobic practices among young people. The professional frustration of provincial youth discovered itself as a cumulative socioeconomic factor.

Abstract: The author considers the contemporary state of affairs in international relations in the context of accelerating global trends of world development of the latest decade. In particular, the article deals with the issue of correlation between power and infl uence in foreign policies of great powers, taking into consideration the nuclear factor and current international crises. The author resort to and explains the notions of “supremacy” and “parity” to analyze the on-going transformation of world system and the role of key regional and great powers, including Russia, in this process. The article also proposes the typology of subjects in international interaction, as well as the potential of their infl uence on world political system, whose development scenarios is in the focus of author’s attention.

Abstract: The papers analyses transformations of Turkish Eurasianism as a geopolitical concept and attitudes of Turkish political elite towards ideas of Eurasian integration in the 1990s and fi rst decade of the 2000s in comparative perspective. For both Russia and Turkey the geographical dimensions of Eurasia and Eurasianism itself has never been a core characteristic of this concept. In the Turkish socio-political thought Eurasianism combined features of different ideologies (Pan-Turkism, Pan-Islamism, Turkism and Neo-Ottomanism), which offer diverse strategies for Turkey’s regional leadership. Within this polyphony of interpretations and approaches towards Eurasianism in Turkey two theoretical trends became the most prevailing: the fi rst one is a concept of Eurasia as a geographical meta-region, the second one comprises various Turkish versions of Eurasian / Neo-Eurasian ideologies. Turkish politicians and ideologists began to use geographical concept of Eurasia in different confi gurations (like Afro-Eurasia) mostly to defi ne the special “central” role of Turkey in the vast region of modern Middle East, the Balkans, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. Thus the concept of Eurasia became a universal instrument for both politicians and public intellectuals trying to prove the exceptional geopolitical signifi cance of Turkey for the global world-system.

Abstract: The article describes the features of China's policy in the Arctic region, taking into account their relationship with the political and cultural traditions, which have a long history. Ambiguities in the assessments of intentions and prospects of China's policy in the Arctic is largely due underestimation of ties by the Western experts. The authors believe that the current China's foreign policy in general and toward the Arctic, in particular, is formed under the infl uence of such factors as the combination of «soft» and «hard» methods of management, existing sharp contradictions between the elites in the political leadership of the state, and the tradition of long-term planning in strategy. In accordance with this, the Arctic dimension of modern China foreign policy, seeks to achieve the strategic goal of access to the resources of the region in many directions simultaneously. The most important instruments include the revision of the legal status of the Arctic, an active part in the work of international organizations and active bilateral inter-state cooperation, avoiding open confrontation, “waiting” policy and incremental measures aimed at the gradual squeezing of competitors.

Abstract: The article is devoted to the public policy of modern Japan in the Arctic. The Japanese government has put forward clear and well-specifi ed targets of the intensifi cation of Japan’s efforts in the economic development of the Arctic region. Among the priorities of the Arctic policy one should mention such areas as the development of maritime transportation, development of hydrocarbon deposits of the Arctic shelf, sea fi shing, as well as the preservation and increase of the sea bioresources.

Abstract: The article investigates the activities and structure of the «Group of Twenty» (G20) main outreach group - «Business Twenty» (B20). «Group of Twenty» is one of the leading international economic summitry institutions, which has enough capacity to infl uence on the development and implementation at the level of global community policies. B20 aims at facilitating the development of sustainable economic growth which, in turn, would contribute to job creation as well as representation and protection of the interests of the national business communities in dialogue with the G20. One of the main B20 objectives is to make an impact on the G20 agenda and fi nal commitments, with an emphasis on the consolidated interests of the global business community as the main participants of the outreach group are business associations, CEOs of global corporations, consulting organizations.

The approach to the B20 organization differs, for the seven-year history of the G20-B20 dialogue the permanent format has not been worked out and there is no unifi ed, rolling from the Chairman to Chairman mechanism of representation of the business interests within the «Group of Twenty».

Analysis of different «Business Twenty» organizational models allowed to sort out the main elements of the institution entrusted with executive functions: Chairman of «Business Twenty», «Troika», Chairs and Co-Chairs of Task Forces. The investigation suggests possible ways of their optimization in accordance with the criterion of effi ciency which is defi ned by the engagement of business community in the process of recommendations development, ensure of the maximum implementation of the business-community recommendations in the «Group of Twenty» fi nal documents, possibility of a subsequent implementation of the assumed by «Group of Twenty» obligations.

Abstract: Finland and the Russian Federation share signifi cant overlaps in history. With the exception of a couple of confl icts, the relationship between the two is commonly described as friendly. With a common border of more than 1.300 kilometers, Finland has always been closely tied to its eastern neighbor. Despite the physical proximity, the Cold War era closure of the border increased the mental distance between the two sides, and fostered an image of the other colored largely by attitudinal stereotypes. For a long time, a good fence indeed made good neighbors. The resultant ‘us’ versus ‘them’ mentality etched in the minds of many has proven to be far more deeply rooted and harder to erase than the political border per se. In an attempt to trace the development of the portrayed image of Russia, this article analyzes the opinion columns featured in the main Finnish newspaper Helsingin Sanomat during 1990–2010. The analysis suggests that little effort has been made to improve the popular geopolitical image of Russia. While understanding the potential of having Russia as a neighbor, many Finns continue to actively reconfi rm the elements in the neighbor, which should be let go in order move beyond stereotypes. This tendency is only reinforced by the load of the language used in the opinion writings, which seems to inhibit people from critically evaluating the opinions and views that they hold. Myths about Russia are used for transferring ideological norms and dominant historical values of Finnish culture. Therefore, myths serve to make collective views and convictions natural and evident, even if they ungrounded. Stronger is the main myth, easier it is for both the author (the message’s sender) and the reader (the message’s recipient) to fi nd a common interpretation. As a result, it creates a code which can be understood only by those who know it and possesses a respective social knowledge.

Abstract: After gaining independence in 1991 the ruling elites of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia actively used historical questions in the course of state building. They tried to base their policy on the rejection and personal interpretation of the Soviet past. This approach has led to a sharp ethnic conflict of historic memories and dramatically affected political processes in these countries.

A Series of Publications in Japanese Studies: History, Politics, Foreign Policy, International Relations, Russia-Japan Relations and Japanese Studies in Russia.

Belokrenitsky, V.Ya. Pakistan, South Asia, Islamic World, the East. Selected Works 2008-2016 / Institute of Oriental Studies of RAS. Moscow: IV RAN, 2016. 712 p. (in Russian).

Degterev, D.A. Applied Quantitative Analysis and Formal Models of International Relations: Course Textbook. Moscow: RUDN, 2016. 556 p. (in Russian).

Migranyan, A.M. Russia and the USA: Factor of Putin. Moscow: OOO «TD Algoritm», 2016. 272 p. (in Russian).

Putin, V.V. 100 and 1 More Quotations / Comp. by S.M. Khenkin, I.A. Istomin, S.M. Kretov [and oth.]. Moscow: Prospekt, 2017. 192 p. (in Russian).

Developing Civil Society in Imperial Russian Background: Trends and Problems.

Unlearning the Cold War: A View from Singapore.

Jawaharlal Nehru Cultural Centere, Moscow.

Newsletter of Embassy of India in Russia.

FELLOWS: le regard de chercheurs internationaux sur l’actualité.

Istanbul Policy Center.