The article contains a brief outlook and analysis of the background and the development of the “China Dream” concept, offi cially introduced by China President Xi Jinping in 2012. The article also covers the issues of its implementation in Chinese domestic and partly foreign policy. Major differences between the “China Dream” and previous concepts are pointed out; a special attention is drawn to the special features of the new general line in politics. The author describes a new stage of reforms in China, demonstrates the logic of the Chinese government and shows the connection between the conducted reforms and the new concept. Various opinions and points of view concerning the “China Dream” concept (expressed both by experts and in the ruling Chinese Communist Party) have been also compared.

The article deals with the problems and prospects of mutual cooperation between the countries-members of BRICS in the light of contemporary processes of globalization and the restructuring of the global political and economic system. It stresses the possibility to develop BRICS as the transregional association of regional leaders based on international theory of interdependence and on a concept of multi-factor equilibrium (prof. Alexei D. Voskressenski). BRICS can be seen as an interconnected system of asymmetric interactions within global political and economic space. Presented theoretical approach may help to analyze both positive and problematic aspects of the current situation in the relations between the fi ve countries.

For more than two centuries, Russia has struggled to defi ne its historical-cultural relationship with the West, as its intellectual and political elites vigorously debated whether their country should emulate Europe or follow a distinct path of development. This article uses original elite survey data to examine these two propositions. The article reaches two conclusions. First, despite Russia’s long tradition of underscoring its uniqueness, close to three-quarters of Russian bureaucrats and Duma deputies in the mid-1990s were nonetheless willing to borrow from foreign experience, particularly from the models of European welfare capitalism. Second, despite the sharp rise in anti-Western sentiments emanating from the Kremlin over the past decade, as well as Vladimir Putin’s ever-growing emphasis on Russia’s distinctiveness, Russian elites are still surprisingly willing to adopt political and economic models from the West.

The author of the article analyzes the role of ideology in the modern world, underpinning his theses by historical examples, as well as posits the existence of the powerful Western ideology of “democracy”, which is transforming into international ideocratic system infl uencing all facets of human life. Taking into consideration the theoretical approaches of prominent political scientists and sociologists, the author analyzes critically analyzes modern Western ideocracy and its interdependence with the age of information, globalization and postmodern cultural development. The article emphasizes the concept of normal state” and studies the role of Russia in these processes.

Coexistence of structurally different modernities with various historical backgrounds and systemic/structural organizations leads to the coexistence of different traditional and new actors within the same spatial-temporal continuum of international relations, with macroregions and nation-states differentiating in accordance with structural principles of their organization. The type of political access in particular nation-states and the combination of different types of political access in macroregions of different structural organizations and historical phase, ultimately determine a development strategy, the tone and priorities of foreign policy of states which still have powerful infl uence on further evolution of world politics space. Identifying such interrelations helps to analyze the impact of the type of social and political access within states, coalitions of states and global regions on the evolution and features of world politics space as well as to employ social engineering of national and global space to maximize benefi ts in the process of social development. Theoretical and empirical conceptualization of interdependence between external and internal processes, including political component, makes it possible to develop applied theories of competitive regional and national development patterns based on higher cooperative trends in national strategies for modernization and development while defending adequately national interests.

The article analyzes bilateral relations between Russia and Greece in the context of economic crisis in Europe taking into account historic, civilizational, economic, political and international factors. The author assesses possible opportunities which could be enjoyed with the intensifi cation of cooperation with the Russian Federation and with international organizations, such as BRICS. Moreover, the article discusses the economic situation in Greece and possible ways of crisis-management.

On the basis of overall analysis of the European dependence on Russia for its energy needs (mainly gas and oil) this paper tries to argue that economic sanction against Russia will have limited success. It will hurt the region badly, but it has more potential to jeopardize the European energy security aspect – a long cherished goal of the European nations. So, the best means to solve the Ukraine crisis is political and diplomatic tools, not the economic ones.

The author presents key initiatives of the Republic of Kazakhstan to develop cooperation with the European Union – the largest economic, trade and investment partner of Kazakhstan – directed on achievement of level of partner cooperation with the EU and ensuring sustainable political and economic development of Kazakhstan.

A survey of perceptions of Germany’s new Ostpolitik in Russia, the United States and Germany. The author argues that Germany’s abandonment of its strategic alliance with Russia by assuming the lead on sanctions within the EU has not received due attention of experts because it is not supported by any doctrine within Germany itself. The new Ostpolitik is the product of many small steps. It is the consequence of Germany’s uncritical acceptance of democracy promotion as the guideline to foreign policy coming from Brussels and of Berlin’s political accommodation with its neighborhood, the new EU Member States to the East, bringing their revanchism and hostility to Russia into the EU institutions that Germany controls.