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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">comparativepolitics</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Сравнительная политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Comparative Politics Russia</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2221-3279</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2412-4990</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Издательская группа «Юрист»</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24411/2221-3279-2018-10001</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">comparativepolitics-880</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ КОНЦЕПЦИЙ И ИНСТИТУТОВ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CONCEPTS AND INSTITUTIONS</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>КОММУНИКАЦИОННЫЕ СТРАТЕГИИ ИСЛАМСКОГО ГОСУДАРСТВА В РОССИИ И СОЕДИНЕННОМ КОРОЛЕВСТВЕ: СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ ЗАДАЧ И МЕХАНИЗМОВ ИХ РЕШЕНИЯ</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>ISLAMIC STATE’S COMMUNICATION STRATEGY IN RUSSIA AND THE UK: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PROBLEMS AND WAYS TO COUNTER THEM</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Еремина</surname><given-names>Н. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Eremina</surname><given-names>N. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Еремина Наталья Валерьевна – доцент, Факультет Международных отношений.</p><p>Санкт-Петербург.</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Natalia V. Eremina – Associate Professor, School of International Relations.</p><p>Saint Petersburg.</p><p>– </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">nerem78@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Лоуи</surname><given-names>Д.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Lowe</surname><given-names>D.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Лоуи Дэвид – доктор права, Школа права.</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>David Lowe – Dr.</p><p>Liverpool.</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">D.Lowe@ljmu.ac.uk</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет.</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Saint Petersburg State University.</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Ливерпульский университет имени Джона Мурса.</institution><country>Великобритания</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Liverpool John Moores University.</institution><country>United Kingdom</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2018</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>30</day><month>10</month><year>2018</year></pub-date><volume>9</volume><issue>4</issue><issue-title>В номере "Китай и внешняя политика"</issue-title><fpage>5</fpage><lpage>23</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Еремина Н.В., Лоуи Д., 2018</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2018</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Еремина Н.В., Лоуи Д.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Eremina N.V., Lowe D.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/880">https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/880</self-uri><abstract><p>С самого начала самопровозглашенный Халифат, образованный на территориях Сирии и Ирака, стал применять эффективную коммуникационную стратегию, позволившую ему не только громко заявить о себе всему миру, но и постоянно привлекать внимание, финансы, людей. Более того, данная стратегия нацелена не просто на привлечение внимания как можно более широкого круга лиц,  она ставит также целью радикализацию своих последователей, часть которых отправляется на территорию, занятую Исламским государством (ИГ, запрещенным в России), а часть – остается на родине для реализации других задач. Данная статья представляет собой компаративный анализ воздействия коммуникационной стратегии ИГ на общества в России и Соединенном Королевстве, угроз, которые она несет отдельным индивидам и всему государству в целом, и тех правовых инструментов, которые есть у обоих государств, чтобы противодействовать стратегии радикализации, столь упорно и тщательно продвигаемой ИГ. Актуально сравнить угрозы ИГ российскому и британскому обществам, которые по разному оценивают сирийский конфликт и вообще эскалацию насилия на Ближнем Востоке. Более того, Британия участвует в борьбе против ИГ в коалиции с США, в то время как Россия выполняет, прежде всего, собственные задачи в регионе. Авторы показывают, что российская правовая база представляется более инструментальной в осуществлении контртеррористических мероприятий, в отличие от узкого и специфического британского законодательства. Между тем, оба государства нуждаются в обмене информацией и совместной борьбе против исламской радикализации, которая носит именно глобальный характер.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Since establishing their self-proclaimed Caliphate in Syria and Iraq, Islamic State’s communications strategy has proved effective in recruiting foreign jihadist fighters and people to immigrate to the region to live, as well as radicalising people who remain in their home state to their cause. This article is a comparative study on the impact this strategy has had on Russia and UK and analyses the threat cased to both states in the recruitment of individuals to Islamic State’s cause and how their respective counter-terrorism agencies can counter this within a legal framework to ensure they operate within the rule of law. It is necessary to compare the positions of Russia and the UK since the states have different view over conflicts in Middle East, besides that Britain joined the US’ coalition. Russia has got a broader counter-terrorism legislation that is more effective being compared to the British one. At the same time the states need to combine their efforts against global Islam radicalization.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>борьба против Исламского государства</kwd><kwd>радикализация</kwd><kwd>джихадизм</kwd><kwd>террористическая коммуникационная стратегия</kwd><kwd>экстремизм</kwd><kwd>антитеррористическое законодательство</kwd><kwd>современные угрозы</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>fight against Islamic State</kwd><kwd>Radicalisation</kwd><kwd>Jihadist Foreign Fighters</kwd><kwd>Terrorist Communications Strategy</kwd><kwd>Extremism</kwd><kwd>counter-terrorism legislation</kwd><kwd>contemporary threats</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Более200 жителей Поволжья воюют на стороне ИГ/ news.mail.ru, 16 июня2015. 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