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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">comparativepolitics</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Сравнительная политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Comparative Politics Russia</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2221-3279</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2412-4990</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Издательская группа «Юрист»</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.18611/2221-3279-2017-8-3-38-44</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">comparativepolitics-696</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ КОНЦЕПЦИЙ И ИНСТИТУТОВ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CONCEPTS AND INSTITUTIONS</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Революционные перемены в российской стратегии на Ближнем Востоке</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The revolution in Russia’s Mideast strategy</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Корыбко</surname><given-names>Э.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Korybko</surname><given-names>A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>политический обозреватель, информационное агентство «Спутник»; член экспертного совета, Институт стратегических исследований и прогнозов, РУДН</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Political Analyst, News Agency “Sputnik”, Member of Expert Council, Institute of Strategic Forecasts and Predictions, People’s Friendship University of Russia</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">korybko.e@my.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Хаддад</surname><given-names>Х.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Haddad</surname><given-names>H.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>магистр, МГИМО МИД России, независимый исследователь</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>MA in Governance and Global Affairs (MGIMO University), Independent Researcher</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">haddad.h@my.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Информационное агентство «Спутник», РУДН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>News Agency “Sputnik”, People’s Friendship University of Russia</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>МГИМО МИД России</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>MGIMO University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2017</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>19</day><month>09</month><year>2017</year></pub-date><volume>8</volume><issue>3</issue><fpage>38</fpage><lpage>44</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Корыбко Э., Хаддад Х., 2017</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2017</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Корыбко Э., Хаддад Х.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Korybko A., Haddad H.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/696">https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/696</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье анализируются важнейшие установки, определяющие стратегию России на Ближнем Востоке, включая особенности принятия решений внутри страны на институциональном уровне и более широкие геополитические аспекты. Рассматривается развитие российской стратегии после событий так называемой «Арабской весны» до настоящего времени и отдельно разбираются важнейшие двусторонние связи Москвы. Обзор начинается с анализа проводимой Россией антитеррористической операции в Сирии, затем кратко упоминаются две соперничающие фракции дипломатов в российском Министерстве иностранных дел. Отмечая основные различия между лагерями либералов и силовиков, статья в общих чертах объясняет, как их соперничество вписывается в формирование общей большой стратегии внешнеполитической деятельности России на Ближнем Востоке. Далее последовательно рассматриваются важные для Москвы двусторонние отношения, начиная с Турции, Ирака и Израиля, и заканчивая отношениями с Саудовской Аравией и Ираном. Исследование ставит целью получить общее представление о том, как Россия проводит внешнюю политику на Ближнем Востоке, как и почему эта политика оказалась в своем нынешнем состоянии, и спрогнозировать перспективы ее дальнейшего развития. Статья опирается на эмпирические наблюдения и ссылки на сообщения СМИ, которые не получили достаточного обсуждения и широко не рассматривались. В ней также используются несколько научных источников, доказывающих, что геополитическая обстановка, в которой Россия проводит свою внешнюю политику, по большей части была сформирована наследием США, проводившими гибридные войны в регионе. В ретроспективе становится понятно, что тем самым была создана благодатная почва для революционных перемен в ближневосточной стратегии Москвы. Подводя итог вышесказанному, Россия стремится заменить США в качестве приоритетного и надежного партнера стран Ближнего Востока и заполнить образовавшийся стратегический вакуум, воспользовавшись ослаблением американского влияния в регионе, которые было вызвано подъемом Исламского государства с катастрофическими последствиями, а также спорами вокруг ядерной сделки с Ираном. К концу 2016 г. у России на этом направлении был бешеный успех.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article analyzes the guiding imperatives behind Russia’s grand strategy in the Mideast, including both its domestic decision-making institutional idiosyncrasies and the wider geopolitical considerations at play. It discusses the evolution of Russian strategy after the so-called “Arab Spring” events and into the present day, taking care to individually analyze Moscow’s most important bilateral relationships. The review begins by addressing Russia’s anti-terrorist intervention in Syria, before progressing to some words about the two competing foreign policy factions present in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After outlining the key differences between the Liberal and Military-Security camps, the work then broadly explains how their rivalry fi gures into the formulation of Russia’s overall grand strategy in the Mideast. Following that, it logically proceeds to examine the other bilateral relationships that are of signifi cance to Moscow, beginning with Turkey, Iraq, and Israel, and ending with Saudi Arabia and Iran. The goal of the research is to establish a very general understanding of how Russia’s foreign policy is presently practiced in the Mideast, how and why it got to where it is today, and forecast on the prospects for its further development. In doing this, the article relies on empirical observations and references several under-discussed news items that have evaded wider scrutiny. It also makes use of a few academic sources in proving that the geopolitical environment in which Russia conducts its present foreign policy was largely shaped by the US’ legacy of Hybrid Wars on the region, which in hindsight created fertile ground for the revolution in Russia’s Mideast strategy. In summary, Russia seeks to replace the US as the Mideast countries’ most preferred and trusted partner, capitalizing off of Washington’s decline in regional infl uence brought about by the disastrous rise of Daesh and the controversial perceptions over the Iranian nuclear deal in order to fi ll the strategic void that’s been created in America’s wake, and as of the end of 2016, Moscow has been wildly successful.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Ближний Восток</kwd><kwd>большая стратегия</kwd><kwd>борьба с терроризмом</kwd><kwd>Сирия</kwd><kwd>Турция</kwd><kwd>Ирак</kwd><kwd>Израиль</kwd><kwd>Саудовская Аравия</kwd><kwd>Иран</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>Mideast</kwd><kwd>grand strategy</kwd><kwd>war on terror</kwd><kwd>Syria</kwd><kwd>Turkey</kwd><kwd>Iraq</kwd><kwd>Israel</kwd><kwd>Saudi Arabia</kwd><kwd>Iran</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Baker, Peter; Kershner, Isabel. 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