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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">comparativepolitics</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Сравнительная политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Comparative Politics Russia</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2221-3279</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2412-4990</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Издательская группа «Юрист»</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.46272/2221-3279-2025-2-16-2</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">comparativepolitics-1831</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>МОЗАИЧНОЕ ПОЛЕ РОССИЙСКОЙ И МИРОВОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>MOSAIC FIELD OF RUSSIAN AND WORLS POLITICS</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Эссекибо на весах истории: эволюция позиции Гайаны по территориальному спору</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Essequibo on the Scales of History: The Evolution of the Position of Guyana on the Territorial Dispute with Venezuela</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0009-0005-7383-0536</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Губский</surname><given-names>А. Д.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Gubskii</surname><given-names>A. D.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Александр Дмитриевич Губский – аспирант, младший научный сотрудник, Центр политических исследований </p><p>115035, Москва, ул. Большая Ордынка, д. 21/16</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Aleksandr D. GUBSKII – Postgraduate Student, Junior Research Fellow, Center for Political Studies, Institute of Latin America, Russian Academy of Sciences (ILA RAS) </p><p>21/16, Bolshaya Ordynka str., Moscow, 115035 </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">adg081200@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>ИЛА РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Russian Academy of Sciences (ILA RAS)</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2025</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>20</day><month>10</month><year>2025</year></pub-date><volume>16</volume><issue>2</issue><issue-title>Мозаика страноведческих исследований</issue-title><fpage>52</fpage><lpage>71</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Губский А.Д., 2025</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2025</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Губский А.Д.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Gubskii A.D.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/1831">https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/1831</self-uri><abstract><p>Принадлежность богатого ресурсами региона Эссекибо, расположенного на северо-востоке Южной Америки и занимающего две трети территории Кооперативной Республики Гайана, уже на протяжении долгого времени оспаривается Боливарианской Республикой Венесуэла. При этом в последние годы напряженность лишь усиливается, что делает этот конфликт одним из самых взрывоопасных в Латинской Америке, объявленной в2014г. зоной мира, где любые споры подлежат разрешению исключительно путем переговоров, а принцип национального суверенитета имеет ключевой статус. Открытие на шельфе крупных нефтяных месторождений значительно увеличило роль Гайаны в региональной политике. Стремительный экономический рост карибского государства привлекает все бóльшее внимание экспертов к его истории и особенностям современного развития. Исходя из этого, в настоящей статье предпринимается попытка проанализировать территориальный спор вокруг Эссекибо с позиции правящих элит Гайаны и проследить эволюцию подходов государства к урегулированию конфликта. На основе историко-сравнительного и историкогенетического методов исследуются стратегии правительств Кооперативной Республики – с момента обретения независимости до настоящего времени. В результате исследования было установлено, что окончательность арбитражного решения 1899 г. и исторический факт его многолетнего признания самой Венесуэлой лежат в основе позиции Гайаны, которая формально не менялась на протяжении периода независимого существования государства. Тем не менее, на практике эта позиция сопровождалась значительными тактическими корректировками переговорной стратегии. Анализ выступлений гайанских политиков и решений, принятых президентскими администрациями, позволил выделить ключевые факторы, обусловливавшие эволюцию позиции государства по территориальному вопросу на протяжении последних 60 лет. Во-первых, существенную роль сыграла динамика внешнеполитического курса Венесуэлы, правительства которой в разные периоды с различной интенсивностью выдвигали претензии на Эссекибо. Во-вторых, значимое воздействие оказала трансформация международного и регионального порядка, связанная, прежде всего, с окончанием идеологического противостояния между сверхдержавами и их союзниками времен Холодной войны. Наконец, определяющим фактором стала внутренняя динамика Кооперативной Республики: экономические кризисы, начало нефтедобычи и межпартийная борьба непосредственно влияли на корректировку подходов государства. При этом использование пограничного спора как инструмента удержания власти прослеживается на протяжении всей политической истории карибского государства.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The resource-rich Essequibo region, located in northeastern South America and occupying two-thirds of the territory of the Co-operative Republic of Guyana, has long been disputed by the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. At the same time, the tensions have been escalating in recent years, making this conflict one of the most explosive in Latin America, which was declared a Zone of Peace in 2014, where any disputes must be resolved exclusively through negotiations, and the principle of national sovereignty is elevated to the absolute. The discovery of large offshore oil fields has significantly increased Guyana’s role in regional politics. The rapid economic growth of the Caribbean state is attracting increasing attention from experts to its history and the peculiarities of modern development. Given that, this article analyzes the territorial dispute over Essequibo from the perspective of the ruling elites of Guyana and traces the evolution of the state’s approaches to conflict resolution. Using historical and comparative as well as historical and genetic methods, the strategies of governments of the Cooperative Republic are studied – from the moment of gaining independence until present. As a result of the study, it was found that the finality of the 1899 arbitration award and the fact of its longterm recognition by Venezuela underlie the position of Guyana, which has not formally changed throughout the state’s independent existence. Nevertheless, in practice, it was accompanied by significant tactical adjustments to the negotiating strategy. An analysis of the speeches of Guyanese politicians and decisions made by presidential administrations has allowed to identify the key factors that led to the evolution of the state’s position on the territorial issue over the past 60 years. Firstly, the dynamics of Venezuela’s foreign policy course has played a significant role, as its governments have made claims on Essequibo with varying intensity at different periods. Secondly, the transformation of the international and regional order has had a significant impact, primarily due to the end of the ideological confrontation between the superpowers and their allies during the Cold War. Finally, the internal development of the Co-operative Republic has become a determining factor: economic crises, the beginning of oil production and the inter-party struggle have directly influenced the adjustment of the state’s approach. At the same time, the use of the border dispute as a tool to retain power can be traced throughout the entire political history of the Caribbean state.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Гайана</kwd><kwd>Венесуэла</kwd><kwd>Эссекибо</kwd><kwd>территориальный спор</kwd><kwd>Джорджтаун</kwd><kwd>Каракас</kwd><kwd>межпартийная борьба</kwd><kwd>Парижский арбитраж</kwd><kwd>Женевское соглашение</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Guyana</kwd><kwd>Venezuela</kwd><kwd>Essequibo</kwd><kwd>territorial dispute</kwd><kwd>Georgetown</kwd><kwd>Caracas</kwd><kwd>interparty struggle</kwd><kwd>Paris arbitration</kwd><kwd>Geneva Agreement</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Белозеров Я.В. (2018) Научное освещение территориальных споров Гайаны в информационный век. 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