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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">comparativepolitics</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Сравнительная политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Comparative Politics Russia</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2221-3279</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2412-4990</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Издательская группа «Юрист»</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.46272/2221-3279-2024-2-15-2</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">comparativepolitics-1696</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ВОПРОСЫ СТРАНОВЕДЕНИЯ В КОМПАРАТИВИСТСКОМ ИЗМЕРЕНИИ: ЕВРОПА</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Эволюция подхода ЕС к Центральной Азии: от «доброжелательного наблюдателя» к геополитическому игроку</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Evolution of the EU Approach to Central Asia: from Positive Observer to Geopolitical Player</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6766-1792</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Лексютина</surname><given-names>Я. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Leksyutina</surname><given-names>Ya. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Яна Валерьевна Лексютина – доктор политических наук, профессор РАН, профессор кафедры американских исследований, Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет</p><p>199034, Россия, Санкт-Петербург, Университетская наб. д.7-9</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Dr. Yana V. Leksyutina – Professor of the RAS, Professor, American Studies Department, Saint-Petersburg State University</p><p>7/9, Universitetskaya Emb., Saint-Petersburg</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">lexyana@ya.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Saint-Petersburg State University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2024</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>21</day><month>11</month><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>15</volume><issue>2</issue><issue-title>Старый континент в новом мире</issue-title><fpage>31</fpage><lpage>49</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Лексютина Я.В., 2024</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2024</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Лексютина Я.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Leksyutina Y.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/1696">https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/1696</self-uri><abstract><p>В последние годы (и особенно после февраля 2022 г.) наблюдается резкая активизация Брюсселя на центральноазиатском направлении. Рост интереса к Центральной Азии обусловлен стремлением ЕС развивать в регионе альтернативную версию инфраструктурного развития и связанности в противовес китайской инициативе «Пояс и путь», использовать ресурсный потенциал региона для снижения зависимости от Китая в вопросах «зеленой» и цифровой трансформации, а транзитный потенциал региона – для развития энергетических и транспортных коридоров в обход России. Новая геополитическая ситуация и развивающиеся в Центральной Азии тенденции расцениваются в Брюсселе как предоставляющие «окно возможностей» для наращивания присутствия ЕС. Более того, политику ЕС в отношении Центральной Азии начинают детерминировать геополитические интересы: сдерживание России, ограничение влияния России и Китая на регион, снижение зависимости ЕС от Китая становятся магистральными целями политики Брюсселя в Центральной Азии. «Доброжелательное безразличие» к региону, некогда, хотя и с некоторыми оговорками, характерное для ЕС, сменяется стремлением Брюсселя стать в регионе крупным геополитическим игроком, рассматривающим региональную конкуренцию сдругими крупными акторами как игру с нулевой суммой. В статье дается ретроспективный анализ политики ЕС в отношении Центральной Азии на протяжении всего периода официального взаимодействия сторон. В фокусе статьи – прослеживание эволюции целей, приоритетов и интересов ЕС в регионе, выявление движущих сил, определявших политику Брюсселя в отношении региона на разных исторических этапах, определение используемого для реализации поставленных целей инструментария. В статье также характеризуются наиболее крупные инициативы ЕС, предназначенные для региона. Автор приходит к выводу, что в сложившейся геополитической ситуации Центральная Азии не имеет самостоятельного значения для Брюсселя: политика в отношении региона строится через призму и в соответствии с логикой конфронтации с Россией и хеджирования рисков, связанных с Китаем.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>In recent years and especially after February 2022, there has been a sharp intensification of Brussels’ engagement with Central Asia. The growing interest in Central Asia is due to the EU’s desire to develop an alternative version of infrastructure development and connectivity in the region as opposed to the China’s Belt and Road Initiative, to use the resource potential of the region to reduce dependence on China for green and digital transition strategy, and the region’s transit potential for development transport and energy infrastructure bypassing Russia. The new geopolitical situation and the trends developing in Central Asia are regarded in Brussels as providing a “window of opportunity” to increase the EU’s presence. Moreover, the EU’s policy towards Central Asia starts to be driven by geopolitical interests. Containing Russia, limiting Russia’s and China’s influence in the region, reducing dependence on China are becoming the main goals of Brussels’ policy in the region. The “benevolent indifference” to the region that once characterized the EU is being replaced by Brussels’ desire to become a major geopolitical player in the region. The article provides a retrospective analysis of the EU policy towards Central Asia throughout the entire period of official interaction between the parties. The focus of the article is to trace the evolution of the goals, priorities and interests of the EU in the region, identify the driving forces that determined Brussels’ policy towards the region at different historical stages, and determine the tools used to achieve the goals. The article also describes the largest EU initiatives for the region. The author concludes that in the current geopolitical situation, Central Asia has no independent significance for Brussels: policy towards the region is built through the prism and in accordance with the logic of confrontation with Russia and hedging risks associated with China.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>ЕС</kwd><kwd>Центральная Азия</kwd><kwd>стратегия</kwd><kwd>концепция стратегической автономии</kwd><kwd>«Большая игра»</kwd><kwd>геополитические интересы</kwd><kwd>связанность</kwd><kwd>транспортные коридоры</kwd><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Китай</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>EU</kwd><kwd>Central Asia</kwd><kwd>strategy</kwd><kwd>concept of strategic autonomy</kwd><kwd>“Great Game”</kwd><kwd>geopolitical interests</kwd><kwd>connectivity</kwd><kwd>transport corridors</kwd><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>China</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group><funding-statement xml:lang="ru">Статья выполнена за счет гранта Российского научного фонда № 24-28-00249, https://rscf.ru/project/24-28-00249/</funding-statement><funding-statement xml:lang="en">The article is supported by the Russian Science Foundation grant No. 2428-00249, https://rscf.ru/project/24-28-00249/</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Боссю Ф. 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