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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">comparativepolitics</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Сравнительная политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Comparative Politics Russia</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2221-3279</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2412-4990</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Издательская группа «Юрист»</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24411/2221-3279-2020-10058</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">comparativepolitics-1249</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИЕ ЗАМЕТКИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>RESEARCHERS’ NOTES</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Зачем автократам выборы? Политическая наука о роли выборов при авторитаризме</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Why Do Autocrats Need Elections? Political Science about the Role of Elections in Authoritarianism</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Медведев</surname><given-names>Ю. С.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Medvedev</surname><given-names>Yu. S.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Юрий Семенович Медведев - к.полит.н., доцент, руководитель образовательного направления «Политология»</p><p>Санкт-Петербу́рг</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Yuri S. Medvedev - Candidate of Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Head of the Educational Program in “Political Science”</p><p>St. Petersburg</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">ymedvedev@yandex.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Северо-Западный институт управления Российской академии народного хозяйства и государственной службы</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>North-West Institute of Management of the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (NWIM RANEPA)</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2020</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>09</day><month>11</month><year>2020</year></pub-date><volume>11</volume><issue>4</issue><issue-title>ЛОГИКА НОВОЙ МИРОУСТРОИТЕЛЬНОЙ АРХИТЕКТОНИКИ И ПОИСК КИТАЕМ СВОЕГО МЕСТА (I)</issue-title><fpage>189</fpage><lpage>200</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Медведев Ю.С., 2020</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2020</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Медведев Ю.С.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Medvedev Y.S.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/1249">https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/1249</self-uri><abstract><p>Еще сравнительно недавно исследователи авторитаризма не уделяли серьезного внимания институтам. Считалось, что поскольку авторитарная власть – это по большей части произвол, ее институциональное оформление не имеет большого значения. Современный подход, однако, заключается в том, что институты в авторитарных режимах не менее важны, чем при демократии. Это относится и к такому традиционно ассоциируемому с демократией политическому институту, как выборы. Последние работы по сравнительному авторитаризму дают все больше подтверждений того, что проведение выборов может способствовать выживанию автократов. Начиная с «третьей волны» демократизации все большее распространение получают политические режимы «электорального авторитаризма», т.е. режимы, авторитарные по своей природе, однако успешно имплементирующие исходно демократические политические институты, в том числе выборы. Регулярное проведение умеренно конкурентных выборов характерно для обеих важнейших разновидностей электорального авторитаризма – как гегемонистских, так и конкурентных авторитарных режимов. В настоящей статье предпринимается попытка обобщить и систематизировать имеющиеся в литературе концептуальные представления о роли выборов в авторитарных режимах. Выделяются и анализируются четыре основные функции авторитарных выборов: легитимация, демонстрация силы, кооптация и сбор информации.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Relatively recently, students of authoritarianism have not paid much attention to institutions. It was believed that since authoritarian rule is generally an arbitrariness, its institutionalism is not really important. Modern approach, however, is that institutions in authoritarian regimes are no less important than in a democracy. This is also applicable to such a political institution traditionally associated with democracy as elections. Recent works on comparative authoritarianism provide more evidence that holding election may help autocrats to survive. Starting from the “third wave” of democratization, the political regimes of “electoral authoritarianism,” that means regimes that are authoritarian in nature, but successfully implementing initially democratic political institutions including elections, are becoming more widespread. The regular holding of moderately competitive elections is characteristic of two the most important types of electoral authoritarianism, both hegemonic and competitive authoritarian regimes. This article attempts to generalize and systematize the conceptual views available in literature on the elections role in authoritarian regimes. Four main functions of authoritarian elections are identified and analyzed: legitimation, display of strength, co-optation and information acquisition.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>выборы</kwd><kwd>политические институты</kwd><kwd>электоральный авторитаризм</kwd><kwd>гибридные режимы</kwd><kwd>легитимация</kwd><kwd>демонстрация силы</kwd><kwd>кооптация</kwd><kwd>сбор информации</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>elections</kwd><kwd>political institutions</kwd><kwd>electoral authoritarianism</kwd><kwd>hybrid regimes</kwd><kwd>legitimation</kwd><kwd>display of strength</kwd><kwd>co-optation</kwd><kwd>information acquisition – acquisition</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Ласт-Окар Э. Выборы в авторитарных режимах: уроки Иордании // Патрон-клиентские отношения в истории и современности: хрестоматия. 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