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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">comparativepolitics</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Сравнительная политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Comparative Politics Russia</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2221-3279</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2412-4990</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Издательская группа «Юрист»</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.18611/2221-3279-2012-3-1(7)-3-13</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">comparativepolitics-122</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ КОНЦЕПЦИЙ И ИНСТИТУТОВ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CONCEPTS AND INSTITUTIONS</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>РАЗЛИЧИЯ В ВОСПРИЯТИИ СУВЕРЕНИТЕТА США, КИТАЕМ И РОССИЕЙ</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>CONTRASTING U.S., CHINESE AND RUSSIAN PERCEPTIONS OF SOVEREIGNTY</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Зиглер</surname><given-names>Ч.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Ziegler</surname><given-names>Ch.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>профессор факультета политологии, член международного консультативного совета журнала «Сравнительная политика»</p></bio><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff xml:lang="ru" id="aff-1"><institution>Университет Луисвилля</institution><country>United States</country></aff><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2012</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>09</day><month>07</month><year>2015</year></pub-date><volume>3</volume><issue>1(7)</issue><fpage>3</fpage><lpage>13</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Зиглер Ч., 2015</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2015</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Зиглер Ч.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Ziegler C.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/122">https://www.sravpol.ru/jour/article/view/122</self-uri><abstract><p>Аннотация: В рамках теории реализма три наиболее влиятельных государства современного мира, Россия, Китай и США, стремятся сохранить свою независимость в решении внутриполитических вопросов и максимально свободно действовать на международной арене. Автор предлагает использовать конструктивистский подход, который уделяет особое внимание своеобразию норм и признает влияние внутренней политики на указанные нормы, поэтому он позволяет объяснить различия в понимании суверенитета в разных странах. Политические элиты России и Китая склонны считать, что залог сохранения Вестфальского суверенитета — сильная центральная власть, в то время как на основе своего исторического опыта США сформировали идеал децентрализованного управления. Американские либеральные интернационалисты и неоконсерваторы в целом стремятся отказаться от традиционного понимания суверенитета с целью защиты населения, продвижения демократии, преследования террористов и обеспечения гегемонии США. Россия и Китай рассматривают суверенитет с абсолютизирующей позиции, хотя они сделали ряд уступок меняющимся нормам территориальной неприкосновенности и гуманитарной интервенции. Автор доказывает, что понимание суверенитета (внутреннего суверенитета и суверенитета взаимозависимости в терминологии С. Краснера) Россией, Китаем и США претерпевает изменения в результате появления общих интересов и необходимости противодействия новым глобальным угрозам.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Abstract: According to realist approach, three most modern influential states Russia, China and US strive to gain maximum freedom in the international arena while retaining independence in domestic policies. The author suggests that a different constructivist approach should be used. Paying attention to the peculiarities of norms and acknowledging the influence of domestic policy on the norms, this approach allows to explain the differences in understanding sovereignty in different states. The political elites of Russia and China tend to consider that the strong central power secures the Westphalian sovereignty, while the historic experience of the US formed the ideal of decentralized power. Aiming at population protection, democracy promotion, terrorist persecution and maintaining US hegemony, American liberal internationalists and neocons are in general eager to step away from the traditional understanding of sovereignty. Russia and China consider sovereignty from the absolutist standpoint, though they have made a number of concessions to the changing norms of territorial integrity and humanitarian intervention. The article proves that the Russian, American and Chinese understanding of sovereignty (both domestic sovereignty and interdependence sovereignty in S.Krasner’s terms) is changing with the emergence of common interests and the necessity to counteract new global threats.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>суверенитет</kwd><kwd>США</kwd><kwd>Китай</kwd><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Великая держава</kwd><kwd>обязанность защищать</kwd><kwd>Вестфальский суверенитет</kwd><kwd>внутренний суверенитет</kwd><kwd>суверенитет взаимозависимости</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>sovereignty</kwd><kwd>US</kwd><kwd>China</kwd><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>Great power</kwd><kwd>responsibility to protect</kwd><kwd>Westphalian sovereignty</kwd><kwd>domestic sovereignty</kwd><kwd>interdependence sovereignty</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Cuisimano M. 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